Albanien hat nur das EU System übernommen und kopiert, wie EU Medien sogar schreiben. Idiot muss man sein, oder wie in Albanien, Analphabet und schon wird man Minister, General, Polizei Direktor, Inspektor usw.. Edi Rama Show: Die Qualifikation der Administration untersuchen, die Analphabeten rauswerfen.
Jetzt will der Albanische Ministerpräsident, der dümmste PM der Welt, die Voll Idioten und Analphabeten in der Regierung entfernen, wo es nicht einmal mehr ein Bildungs System gibt.
Minister Ultimatum Rama: Scannen Personal, Analphabeten in Ministerien Posted: 14/10/2017 – 9.31!
Die EU sind Partner der kriminellen Banden, stehlen gemeinsam Milliarden in Albanien, wo der grösste Bauschrott, totaler Betrug der KfW, EIB, EBRD; IFC Bank besteht, welche Kriminellen unterwandert sind wie die EU Botschaften. Werden nun NATO Spezial Einheiten, auch des FBI, auch aus Deutschland im November kommen? Es gab zuviele Versprechungen, was korrupte EU und US Politiker immer wieder ignorierten für Mafiöse Betrugs GEschäfte rund um Privatisierungen und Lizensen, was Alles im Desaster endete.
EU Justiz sieht so aus: “He noted that some Eulex prosecutions might have failed due to “innocent incompetence”. But he added: “If you don’t want the [Kosovo] PM to go to jail, then you give the case to an idiot”.”
Idioten entsendet man als System der EU, wenn Nichts funktionieren soll, „Genoveva Ruiz Calavera“ Hirnlos mit Doppel Funktion, schreibt die Frau, gefakte Berichte, obwohl sie den Justiz Neubeginn sabotiert mit ihrer Politisierung und dubiosen Gestalten, was mit der neuen Justizministerin auch schon anfängt.
This political neutrality already was put in serious doubt when Ruiz Calavera announced the creation of Management Board of the ONM. Several politicians, including then Minister of Justice Petrit Vasili, claimed that the Management Board was unconstitutional, and through the inclusion of US Ambassador Donald and EU Ambassador Romana Vlahutin would needlessly politicize the work of the ONM. In spite of the objections, Ruiz Calavera pushed through her initiative, gathering backup from EU officials.
During her first informal meeting with Albanian journalists in February, Genoveva Ruiz Calavera, the chief of the Independent Observation Mission (ONM) that provides external expertise to the vetting process, stated that she would “resist…
It is high time for the EU to move beyond ‘stabilocracy’ and stand up to ethnic nationalist kleptocrat political leaders.
The Balkans are not as exciting as they once were. The large-scale violence that made the region a central concern of European policy in the 1990s is no longer a feature of Balkan politics.
That’s progress, of course. But the absence of violence does not mean an absence of problems. Persistent economic weakness, growing public frustration with leaders, and renewed ethnic tensions have created a volatile mix beneath the surface calm. As Europe’s attention to these issues wavered, outside actors – most notably Russia, but also Turkey and China, began to assert themselves. If the European Union wants to maintain stability and influence in its own troubled backyard, it will need to re-engage with the Balkans.
EU accession should remain an important part of European engagement. But given the acute problems in the region and the slow pace of enlargement, the EU needs to take immediate, concrete steps that can make a difference for the local publics and change negative dynamics in the region. This should include increasing its investment in Balkan economies, improving its technical assistance to Balkan governments and, most importantly, holding Balkan leaders to higher political standards.
The Balkan Malaise
Peace has brought some moderate growth and poverty reduction to the Western Balkans. But corruption and unemployment, particularly youth unemployment, which ranges from 39 per cent in Montenegro to 54 per cent in Bosnia and Herzegovina, remains a persistent blight. Not coincidentally, dissatisfaction with politics and policies is also on the rise—71 per cent of citizens in the region lack faith in the effectiveness and impartiality even of the judiciary. All of this means that people have very low expectations for their future. Forty three per cent of Western Balkans citizens have considered emigrating elsewhere.
Beyond their similar economic challenges, all six states of the Western Balkans share simmering ethnic tensions, though each has its own specificities.
Albania has deep political divisions in which politics and clan relations intertwine in a web of vengeance and corruption. Drug trafficking and money laundering flourishes in this environment. Rather than respond to these governance failures, Edi Rama, the Albanian Prime Minister, has recently made it all worse by raising the spectre of Greater Albania, feeding fears of Albanian secessionism in neighboring Macedonia.
Bosnia and Herzegovina still suffers from stagnation and gridlock 22 years after the end of its civil war. Divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina among the three ethnic groups have, if anything, grown in the past ten years. Few of the state institutions function as they should (in a multi-ethnic fashion).
The Central Bank, for example, has three competing leaders and the army would likely break down along ethnic lines in the event of a crisis. The EU’s bet that building institutions could create a multi-ethnic state has been upended by ethnic politics. Ethnic loyalties have turned out to be stronger than any of the foreign-built institutions.
Kosovo is struggling to establish good governance, while facing renewed tensions with Serbia. Kosovo’s former Prime Minister and war hero, Ramush Haradinaj, tried twice at The Hague war crimes tribunal, even threatened to lay claim to a third of Serbia’s territory. Pristina has also managed to re-ignite tensions with Montenegro over the demarcation of their border.
In Macedonia, a domestic political crisis has caused inter-ethnic tensions and even violence. Renewed clashes are not imminent, but the larger crisis rambles on. Leaders like former Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski continue to play the ‘ethnic card’ for political gain, which risks re-igniting violence.
Montenegro succeeded in joining NATO and escaping an apparent Russian-assisted coup attempt. But it is still at the beginning of its EU reform process and needs to stabilise its public finances.
Finally, officials from Serbia are equally prone to provoking regional tensions. Serbian Foreign Minister Ivica Dacic recently noted that Serbia should never have recognised Macedonia under its current name. Other Serb remarks closely echoed accusations in Macedonian domestic politics that portray the Albanian leader Zoran Zaev and his new coalition as a step towards the destruction of Macedonia and the creation of a Greater Albania.
Retreat into ‘stabilocracy’
The Balkan malaise has had a knock-on effect when it comes to the legitimacy of the EU. Only 39 per cent of the public in the region continue to see EU membership as a good thing for their economies. Worse, Balkan leaders now see the entire accession process cynically. As a local politician described it: ‘We lie to [the EU] that we are serious about reforming, and they lie to us that they are serious about accession’.
One can understand their cynicism. European publics appear opposed to adding new members to the EU and quite willing to tell their governments so. It takes only one recalcitrant European political group and a susceptible government to torpedo accession altogether.
In the absence of an effective accession process, the search for stability in Europe’s periphery has motivated EU leaders to turn a blind eye to the intimidation of opposition and creeping authoritarianism. As we wrote in a 2016 ECFR policy brief, “These ‘untouchables’ trump independent scrutiny and judicial review, employing a powerful rhetoric of populism and nationalism, and fueling the polarisation of these societies”……………..
Albania has deep political divisions in which politics and clan relations intertwine in a web of vengeance and corruption. Drug trafficking and money laundering flourishes in this environment. Rather than respond to these governance failures, Edi Rama, the Albanian Prime Minister, has recently made it all worse by raising the spectre of Greater Albania, feeding fears of Albanian secessionism in neighboring Macedonia………………..