Der angebliche Reformer, Volksvertreter nur ein billiger weiterer Georg Soros „Trojaner“ in Europa und korrupter Regierungen und Politiker: Alexis Tsipras.
Alle Wahlen in Europa, werden mit Geldern über NGO’s manipuliert, wo der korrupten OSCE Apparat, selbst unter Kontrolle der CIA – Soros Mafia steht. 177 geleakte Seiten, wer im EU Appart, darunter alle Delegationen, Elmar Brok, Fleckenstein, die CIA Gründung: „Grüne Pädophilen Partei“ und Rote Banden vor allem und die dümmsten Schwarzen.
Gut geschmiert ist überall Frank Walter Steinmeier, der nicht nur dem Verbrecher Clan: Barzani ein illegales General Konsulat gab in Berlin, sondern Drogen Handel muss vor allem über die DAAD, – Open Society Abkommen finanziert und organisiert werden.
Die Banken- und Finanz Mafia des Betruges: Das halbe EU Parlament, viele Deutsche Politiker wie Elmar Brok, die korrupten Roten und Grünen Gestalten, stehen alle im Solde des verurteilten Betrügers Georg Soros. EFCR, Carl Bildt, Alles gekaufte CIA und korrupte Gestalten des Georg Soros.
EU-Kommissionschef Jean-Claude Juncker empfängt US-Milliardär George Soros
Greece: George Soros’ Trojan Horse Against Europe
May 24, 2017, 12:04 am
The Soros pattern, Greek edition: Provoke, take power, wreck stability, drag in the U.S. government — and its Obama holdovers.
One of the few fascinating things you learn by looking closely at George Soros’s output is how often he is wrong.
The financial Dark Lord, who made a billion dollars overnight when he bet against the British pound in 1992, constantly predicts the sky is falling. Most of the time, it isn’t.
He was mocked for exaggerating risks to the economic order in his 1998 book, The Crisis of Global Capitalism. Last year, he declared, “The EU is on the verge of collapse,” in a New York Review of Books interview. His end-of-year assessment for 2016 was: “Democracy is now in crisis.” At the global elite retreat in Davos, Switzerland, this year, he predicted Donald Trump’s inauguration would be bad news for the stock market.
No, no, nope, and wrong again.
Regarding Greece, Soros routinely anticipated disaster in the first years of its financial crisis.
In a 2011 speech in Vienna, he declared, “We are on the verge of an economic collapse which starts, lets’s say, in Greece,” making break-up of the Eurozone “probably inevitable” — a cataclysm that could produce zillions in easy money for high-flying speculators like George Soros, as one of his Greek acolytes pointed out.
But something changed.
Soros saw potential for a different kind of upheaval centered in Greece that intrigued him more than merely adding to his personal money mountain: blowing up borders.
In 2012, George Soros began focusing on migration in Greece, calling it a crisis before it was one, setting the stage for a cataclysm that engulfed the continent three years later.
The tsunami of economic migrants and displaced people (most of the Syrians on the move had been living in Turkey for months or years and left because Turkey would not let them work, not because their survival was immediately threatened) catapulted toward Germany, framed entirely as a refugee crisis, wasn’t inevitable until Soros and his activist army of non-government organizations (NGOs) got involved.
Soros picked a target (barriers to movement between Turkey and Greece), paralyzed the ability of existing institutions to deal with it, and mobilized a new political party, Syriza, to facilitate his agenda.
In Greece, George Soros’s propensity to promote chaos, then capitalize on it, has had wide geopolitical implications.
Blame Germany, Not PASOK
In all his early critiques of the Greek debt crisis, Soros reserves special ire for Germany.
With characteristic bombast, in 2010 he asserts, “Germany is endangering the European Union,” by insisting on Greek fiscal austerity, budget cuts, and tax hikes in exchange for financial aid from the European Union (EU).
To anyone who would listen, he unfolded a critique portraying Greece as a victim, a country unfairly controlled by the EU’s fatally flawed Maastricht Treaty that, in Soros’s analysis, gives undue authority to Europe’s strongest economies.
Nowhere does Soros criticize the country’s own political or economic policies or the socialist party that dominated Greece since 1981.
It was under Prime Minister George Papandreou, a Soros pal, that the Greek fiscal disorder was unveiled.
Papandreou is scion of a legendary political family that produced three generations of PMs. His father, Andreas, founded the Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) in 1974 and served as the party’s charismatic prime minister between 1981-89 and 1993-96.
Andreas Papandreou is awarded significant responsibility for creating a bloated, inefficient public sector — free education and health care, massive public sector employment — built on cheap European credit by dispassionate observers.
Between 1981 and 2011, PASOK controlled the Greek state for 22 of 30 years, including 2001, the year Greece adopted the Euro based on dubious financial data.
When the proverbial dung hit the fan, in 2010, Greece’s deficit was estimated as 15 percent of Gross Domestic Product (EU countries are required to keep it under 3 percent) and the country’s debt was more than 120 percent of GDP, more than twice the EU limit. Local media reported on Soros’s personal visit to George Papandreou at his office in parliament in 2011, purportedly to discuss the country’s dire straits and assure him of President Obama’s commitment to help.
But George Soros never suggests George Papandreou (or his father) played any negative role, especially when they sit together pontificating, as they did at Columbia University, because Papandreou and PASOK have served Soros’ interests in the past.
As foreign minister in 1999-2004, George Papandreou helped his friend George Soros and his larger goals. For example, while Greece held the European Union presidency in 2003, Papandreou helped promote Balkan integration into the EU, as Open Society Foundations (OSF), Soros’s hydra-headed NGO network, favored.
Soros even stationed a Sorosista, Alex Rondo, at Papandreou’s side during his foreign ministry tenure. Rondo oversaw a 251 percent increase in payouts to NGOs, millions of which have been legally challenged by the Greek government since as bogus.
As an international meddler who functions through transnational elite networks, Soros is careful to protect his brethren.
But by 2011, that card had been played. Papandreou was forced from power. A caretaker government was installed to implement austerity measures.
By George Soros’s analysis, it was all Germany’s fault, and he had a new weapon against Old Europe: transnational migration.
In October 2012, the billionaire wrote an op-ed for the Guardian, “Helping Greek Migrants Would Show European Solidarity.” To revive the EU’s original vision, Soros announced he would establish “solidarity houses” in Greece modeled on safe houses set up for Jews by Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg in wartime Hungary.
Among Soros’s goals was to assist refugees held in inhumane detention facilities. The program would also help the Greek poor, he wrote, otherwise the aid risked provoking xenophobic, neo-fascists.
In 2013, Soros created Solidarity Now, a program to provide shelter and other assistance to displaced people, as promised. He put a close friend in charge, another money guy, Stelios (or Stylianos) Zavvos, CEO of Zeus Capital Managers. Through Zavvos, Soros associated with a wide range of Greek elite in politics, finance, and shipping, as captured in a National Herald account of Soros’s role as godfather to Zavvos’s daughter.
A critical move in the science of agitation is identifying an impropriety that makes your opponent vulnerable then clubbing the opponent with it. Think of the Soros-financed #BlackLivesMatter movement.
Saul Alinsky codified the technique in his 1971 classic Rules for Radicals, which OSF published in Macedonia on USAID’s dime!
In Greece, OSF used longtime ally Amnesty International to paint the target.
To block the most popular overland route for undocumented people seeking entry to the EU from Turkey, Frontex, the EU agency on border security, helped the Greek government put up a 6.5-mile steel fence at the Evros River. Frontex also armed Greek border police with search dogs, night-vision goggles, and helicopters.
Illegal crossings into Greece plummeted on this key border: from 6,000 arrests in July 2012 to 45 six months later.
As a result of the blocked land border, the main smuggling route between Turkey and Greece shifted to the sea. As the number of undocumented migrants transiting from Turkey to Greece on the Aegean jumped between 2012 and 2013, the Hellenic Coast Guard increasingly used “pushback” tactics, repulsing boats away from the Greek coast into Turkish waters.
The practice violates international law, a fact that Amnesty International (AI) highlighted in its report Frontier Europe: Human Rights Abuses on Greece’s border with Turkey, published by its London-based International Secretariat, where research is centered, in July 2013.
That office received $500,000 for 2013 from Soros, though it got nothing the year before.
Meanwhile, Open Society Foundation scaled up the AI campaign, sponsoring a public debate and report release in March 2014 at the European Parliament in Brussels on EU Migration Policy: A Push Back for Migrants’ Rights in Greece? that brought together a raft of NGOs, many financed by OSF, to heap criticism on Greece.
It’s not sufficient to provoke anger against a national policy; you need to influence (ideally, control) the national leaders with power to change it.
George Soros began cultivating Alexis Tsipras, 42, leader of the Coalition of the Radical Left, a political party known as Syriza for their shared social agenda as much as their conviction that austerity was bad for Greece.
Syriza started in 2004 as a big tent of extreme left-wing entities — with caricature-like names such as “Renewing Communist Ecological Left” (AKOA) — but burst on the national scene in 2012 as the only political party consistently standing against the painful austerity measures imposed on Athens by “the troika”: the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the European Commission, and the European Central Bank…………………….