All Talk, No Action – zu blöde und korrupt für Alles: Deutschland und die EU: nur die Konferenz Mafia der Inkompetenz produziert sich in Geld Vernichtung um die eigene Dummheit und Inkompetenz zuvertuschen und dabei werden die privaten Beteiligungs Modell verhandelt. Man kennt die Situation sehr lange, wurde sogar noch von Gaddafi gewarnt, aber real läuft das seit über 20 Jahren.
Slowenien errichtet „technische Barriere“ an der Grenze zu Kroatien
Mit Stacheldraht an grünen Übergängen soll die Kontrolle wieder hergestellt werden. Befürchtet wird, dass Deutschlands Wende zu einer restriktiveren Flüchtlingspolitik zu problematischen Effekten führt
Die österreichische Regierung will morgen darüber entscheiden, wie die „geordnete Einreisekontrolle“ am slowenisch-österreichischen Grenzübergang in Spielfeld künftig aussehen soll, ob „technische Barrieren“ dafür sorgen sollen, wie sie die ÖVP vorschlägt, oder ob die Umgebungskontrolle durch mehr Polizei und Militär erfolgen soll, wie der Vorschlag aus der SPÖ lautet oder durch eine Mischform.
Der slowenische Ministerpräsident Miro Cerar hatte gestern bekannt gegeben, dass an der Schengen-Grenze zu Kroatien „zeitweilige physische Barrieren“ errichtet würden. Ab heute Morgen wurde bei Rigonce Nato-Draht ausgerollt.
Die Grenze zu Kroatien bleibe offen, sagte Cerar, aber unter strenger Kontrolle. Bei Rigonce sollen in den letzten Wochen tausende von Flüchtlinge die grüne Grenze nach Slowenien überschritten haben, nachdem sie von kroatischer Seite dort hingeschickt worden seien, ohne Vereinbarung wie sich Slowenien beklagt. Es kam zu Streit zwischen den beiden Ländern.
Der Stacheldraht und andere technische Barrieren sollen verhindern, dass die Flüchtlinge in ungeordneter Weise über die Grenze gelangen. Sie sollen dafür sorgen, dass die Flüchtlinge die kontrollierten Übergänge ansteuern, so Cerar. Als Mensch finde er die Entscheidung, physische Barrieren zu errichten, schwierig, sagte er vor der Presse, er wolle nicht, dass Europa seine Grenzen wieder schließe. Aber als Premierminister habe er die Verantwortung für einen kontrollierten Zugang der Migranten zu sorgen und eine humanitäre Katastrophe zu verhindern.
Als Grund für die Maßnahmen zum Schutz der Schengen-Grenze nannte Cerar die Informationen von 30.000 Flüchtlingen, die „im Moment“ auf dem Weg nach Slowenien seien, dazu komme, dass weiter Menschen in Griechenland eintreffen, die sich über die Balkan-Route auf den Weg nach Mittel-und Westeuropa machen.
Er sprach von einer „dritten Welle von Flüchtlingen“ und davon, dass ihm Österreich zu verstehen gegeben habe, dass das Nachbarland nur mehr 6.000 Flüchtlinge am Tag an der Grenze akzeptiere. Von Deutschland wisse er, dass es eine ähnliche Begrenzung auferlegen werde. Daraus könnte folgen, dass Tausende von Flüchtlingen in Slowenien festhängen. Sein Land würde es angesichts fallender Temperaturen und des nahenden Winters nicht schaffen, eine solch große Zahl von Menschen ausreichend gut unterzubringen und zu versorgen.
Seit Mitte Oktober zählt das Transitland nach Angaben der slowenischen Nachrichtenagentur STA 179.300 Flüchtlinge, die durchgereist sind. Das entspricht 8 Prozent der Bevölkerung, so Innenminister Žnidar.
Die Entscheidung der slowenischen Regierung sorgt für Unruhe. Das lässt sich an Reise- und Kommunikationsaktivitäten der Regierung ablesen. Die Situation wird den EU-Spitzen erklärt, Italien, Österreich und vor allem Kroatien. Dort habe man bislang abwartend reagiert, beruhigend, meldet der Standard, der aus einer offiziellen Presseerklärung der Regierung zitiert. Nur: Es ist nach der Wahl der vergangenen Woche unklar, wer demnächst regieren wird. Und: es gibt noch eine andere, größere Sorge.
In den Gemeinden Brezice und Razkrizje nahmen Soldaten erste Arbeiten auf. LKW lieferten große Stacheldrahtrollen an. Noch am Vortag waren rund 7000 Menschen nach Slowenien gekommen.
Vorgesehen ist der Bau eines 80 bis 100 Kilometer langen Zauns. Regierungschef Miro Cerar hat bereits in den Vortagen betont, Slowenien wolle die Grenze nicht komplett dicht machen, man müsse aber den Flüchtlingsstrom kanalisieren.
SPIEGEL ONLINE – 27.10.2015Die Bundesregierung unterstützt Slowenien bei der Bewältigung der Flüchtlingskrise. Noch in dieser Woche sollen Bundespolizisten ihre Arbeit in dem kleinen EU-Land aufnehmen. mehr…
10 Milliarden $ sind allein im Irak verschwunden, denn Ratten des CIA arbeiten bei USAID, welche ihre Diebstahls Kartelle überall einsetzen in sogenannten Entwicklungs Fund, identisch das Deutsche KfW, GIZ Modell mit überteuerten Betrugs Projekten, im Mafia Modell mit eigenen Consults, wo man dann beliebig Beratungs Leistung in Rechnung stellt.
Durchaus System mit US Ratten, die sich für Geld im Balkan ebenso Minister Posten kauften, hier die Ukrainische Staatsangehörigkeit erhielten, nun ist die Ratte: Finanzministerin und saugt die Ukraine aus. Der Ukrainische USAID Fund Western NIS Enterprise Fund (WNISEF) der von der Diebin und Betrügerin Natalie Jaresko geleitet wurde ist mit dem AAEF Fund, des Michael Granoff identisch im US Betrugs System
Die Beute Teilung wird besprochen: Salih Berisha und Michael Granoff
Identisch im Balkan, hier mit Albanien: Profi kriminelle Construkte, welche nur Geld stehlen und vernichten.
Exclusive: Ukraine’s Finance Minister Natalie Jaresko collected at least $1.77 million in bonuses from a U.S.-taxpayer-funded investment project that she ran even as it was losing money, a sign that her image as a paragon of public-interest “reform” may not be all that it’s cracked up to be, reports Robert Parry.
By Robert Parry
Before becoming Ukraine’s Finance Minister last December, Natalie Jaresko collected $1.77 million in bonuses from a U.S.-taxpayer-financed investment fund where her annual compensation was supposed to be limited to $150,000, according to financial documents filed with the U.S. Internal Revenue Service this year.
The near 12-fold discrepancy between the compensation ceiling and Jaresko’s bonuses, paid in 2013, was justified in the IRS filing from the Jaresko-led Western NIS Enterprise Fund (WNISEF) by drawing a distinction between getting paid directly from the $150 million U.S. government grant that created the fund and the money from the fund’s “investment sales proceeds,” which were treated as fair game for extracting bonuses far beyond the prescribed compensation level.
Using this supposed loophole, Jaresko and some of her associates enriched themselves by claiming money generated from U.S. taxpayers’ dollars while avoiding any personal financial risks. She and other WNISEF officers collected the bonuses from what they deemed “profitable” exits from some investments even if the overall fund was losing money and shrinking, as it apparently was in recent years.
According to WNISEF’s filing for the 2013 tax year, submitted to the IRS on Aug. 11, 2015, the value of the investment fund had shrunk from $150 million at its start to $93.9 million in the fund’s 2012 tax year and to $89.8 million in the 2013 tax year. (WNISEF’s tax years end on Sept. 30.)
So, Jaresko’s arrangement was something like taking someone else’s money to a roulette table, placing it on black, and claiming a share of the winnings if the ball stopped on black. However, if the ball landed on red, then the someone else absorbed the loss, except in this case the winners were Jaresko and her associates and the losers were the American taxpayers.
The purpose cited by the U.S. Congress in starting the non-profit WNISEF with $150 million in the 1990s was to help jumpstart an investment economy in Ukraine and Moldova for the benefit of the people of those countries. The project was administered by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), which selected Jaresko, a former U.S. diplomat of Ukrainian heritage, to run the project.
Last December, Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko named Jaresko Finance Minister after awarding her instant Ukrainian citizenship. At that point, she quit WNISEF and has since become the face of Ukrainian “reform,” representing the U.S.-backed government at international banking events at Davos, Switzerland, and elsewhere while appealing for billions of dollars in Western financial aid which she oversees.
Thus, Jaresko’s standards for handling public moneys are relevant to judging whether the new regime is just a reshuffling of who gets to plunder Ukraine or a serious effort at reform. The overthrow of the previous Ukrainian government of President Viktor Yanukovych was largely justified in February 2014 because of allegations about corruption. The new regime has presented itself as committed to reform, even though some outside observers contend that corruption is as bad or worse than under the old government.
Self-Interest v. Public Interest
There is also the question of whether Jaresko is more interested in getting rich than in serving the people of Ukraine. As WNISEF’s chief executive officer, Jaresko seemed to grow dissatisfied with her $150,000 salary. For instance, in 2004, she earned more than double the prescribed amount, paid $383,259 along with $67,415 in expenses, according to WNISEF’s IRS filing for that year.
Kosovo court ordered a month’s detention for former Kosovo Liberation Army leader Xhemshit Krasniqi, suspected of carrying out war crimes in Albania.
A judge in the Basic Court of Mitrovica on Wednesday ordered 30 days of detention for former senior Kosovo Liberation Army fighter Xhemshit Krasniqi.
His lawyer Haji Millaku said the court acted on the request of EU rule-of-law mission, EULEX, citing fears that he could endanger investigations if he was free.
“He is held on suspicion that he committed war crimes in the spring of 1999 on the territory of Albania,” Millaku told BIRN.
Krasniqi, in the middle, during Kosovo conflict. Photo: Facebook
Krasniqi was arrested on Sunday in his hometown of Prizren in southern Kosovo during a police operation conducted by EULEX.
EULEX prosecutors suspect he committed war crimes against civilians detained in camps run by the KLA in northern Albania.
He was allegedly involved in torturing detainees in camps in Kukes and Cahan during April, May and June 1999, during the conflict in neighbouring Kosovo.
During the NATO bombing of former Yugoslavia, from March to June 1999, the KLA, then fighting Serbian police and military, had a base in the Albanian town of Kukes from where they conducted guerrilla operations across the border in Kosovo.
The same report said the prisoners “were thrown into makeshift cellblocks, left in insanitary conditions without food and water, and were visited periodically by KLA soldiers to be questioned under harsh treatment, or indiscriminately beaten”.
In statements given to UN prosecutors in 2009 and 2010, more than ten individuals – almost all of them ethnic Albanians – described having been detained indefinitely, struck with sticks and other objects, and subjected to various forms of inhuman treatment at the Kukes site.
Several witnesses stated that screams of agony from persons held in separate sets of cellblocks could be heard filtering through the corridors.
The Kosovo Liberation Army maintained a network of prisons in their bases in Albania and Kosovo during and after the conflict of 1999, eyewitnesses allege. Only now are the details of what occurred there emerging.
By Altin Raxhimi, Michael Montgomery and Vladimir Karaj
In a run-down industrial compound with shattered windows and peeling plaster in Kukes, Albania, chickens rummage for food and two trucks sit idle in a courtyard surrounded by rusted warehouses and a crumbling two-story supply building.
In the middle of the compound stands a cinderblock shack that was once the office of a mechanical plant that produced everything from manhole covers to elevator cages.
But, during the NATO bombing of the former Yugoslavia, from March to June 1999, this facility took on another purpose. It was occupied by a guerrilla force, the Kosovo Liberation Army, KLA, as a support base for their operations across the border in Serbian-ruled Kosovo.
But the factory was not merely the headquarters for guerrillas fighting the regime of Slobodan Milosevic to secure the independence of Kosovo from Serbia.
It assumed more sinister purposes: dozens of civilians, mainly Kosovo Albanians suspected of collaboration, but also Serbs and Roma were held captive there, beaten and tortured. Some were killed, their remains never recovered. The men who allegedly directed the abuses were officers of the KLA.
At least 25 people were imprisoned in Kukes, witnesses say. Amongst them were three Kosovo Albanian women. In the camp at least 18 people were killed, while others were later rescued by NATO troops.
It appears that Kukes housed one of a number of secret detention centres in Albania and Kosovo, and that prisoners were transferred from one facility to another.
Even after the NATO interventions, a camp was maintained in Baballoq/Babaloc in Kosovo, holding around 30 Serb and Roma prisoners, whose current whereabouts are unknown. Other camps in Albania may have held Serbs kidnapped in Kosovo after the war, according to four sources.
The names of several alleged perpetrators have been known to UNMIK for some time. One of them is still holding a high position in the Kosovo judiciary, Balkan Insight understands.Bislim Zyrapi, an official of the Kosovo Interior Ministry, who was responsible for KLA operations in Kukes, told Balkan Insight that there were no people killed, either at the base or outside of it.
Two of the KLA’s former top leaders rejected the allegations in separate interviews with the BBC.
Kosovo’s Prime Minister, Hashim Thaci, who was then the political director of the KLA, and Agim Ceku, former Prime Minister and former chief of the KLA headquarters, told the BBC they were not aware of any KLA prisons where captives were abused or where civilians were held.
Thaci said he was aware that individuals had “abused KLA uniforms” after the war, but said the KLA had distanced itself from such acts. He added that such abuse was “minimal”. Ceku said that the KLA fought a “clean war”.
However, Jose Pablo Baraybar, the chief of the Office of Missing Persons and Forensics within UNMIK for five years, says: “There were people that are certainly alive that were in Kukes, in that camp, as prisoners. Those people saw other people there, both Albanians and non-Albanians. There were members of the KLA leadership going through that camp. Many names were mentioned, and I would say that that is an established fact.”
Baraybar tracked missing citizens in Kosovo and across the border in Albania.
Karin Limdal, spokeswoman for the EU rule of law mission in Kosovo, EULEX, told Balkan Insight that the mission is aware of the allegations concerning the Kukes case, and that prosecutors are looking at the evidence to see if they can bring indictments.
YELLOW MERCEDES OF DEATH
These grave allegations about the Kukes camp, in the north west of Albania, are based on interviews with several sources: two eyewitnesses – one former inmate and one member of the KLA, records from a cemetery in Albania and UN documents that we have gained access to, which detail the testimonies of people ill-treated in Kukes.
Together, they paint a portrait of a brutal prison regime that is at odds with the claims of former KLA leaders, who say they adhered to international human rights conventions and never detained civilians.
The abuses in Kukes may not have been isolated events. According to former KLA fighters who talked to us, as well as independent testimony provided to UN investigators, the KLA maintained a loose network of at least six secret jails in the dozen or so bases they operated in Albania and the two they had in Kosovo during and after the 1999 war.
Those jails were used for interrogations that routinely included torture, according to sources interviewed for this story.
Most former KLA soldiers we interviewed are proud of their war with the Serbian forces, whose bloody actions forced the mass flight of hundreds of thousands of Kosovo Albanians from their homes in 1999.
But some said they felt shamed by what some KLA commanders and leaders had done under the cover of war.
“It didn’t seem strange at the time,” one former KLA soldier, who witnessed the events, said. “But now, looking back, I know that some of the things that were done to innocent civilians were wrong. But the people who did those things act as if nothing happened, and continue to hurt their own people, Albanians.”
Another eyewitness, a Kosovo Albanian, says he was held at the KLA base in Kukes on the pretext of being a Serbian spy, an allegation he vehemently denies.
Bosnia: Salafist Leader Gets Seven Years for Recruiting Boys to Islamic State
Bosnic, 43, has been on trial since December 2014 for promoting jihad, recruiting followers to IS, and organizing their trips to Syrian and Iraqi battlefields. Judge Amela Huskic said those three charges were proven during the trial, despite Bosnic’s strong denials.
The court found that at least six young men died as a result of Bosnic’s influence: Emrah Filipovic, Samir Begic, Amir Crnjekovic, Ismar Mesinovic, Azmir Alisic, and Muaz Sabic.
The announcement of the verdict was a high-profile, high-security event. Bosnic, a former musician with four wives and 18 children, is the informal leader of the Islamic extremist Salafi community in Bosnia. Last month the prosecutor requested the maximum 20-year jail sentence, whereas the defense had called for full acquittal.
The courtroom was crowded for the sentencing of the slight, bearded man, with a clutch of state police and security officers on hand, most wearing ski-masks.
His name was Merim Keserovic. Sarajevo airport security footage of Merin Keserovic (left)
Prosecutor Dubravko Campara asked the 18-year-old witness if Bosnic ever advocated fighting for IS during his sermons, which Keserovic had attended before his attempted trip.
„I don’t remember,“ Keserovic said in an unsteady voice, his eyes flitting between Bosnic, the judge and the prosecution.
Campara then produced the statement Keserovic gave to police when he was arrested.
Signed by Keserovic, it says Bosnic spoke about the need for believers to join the „brothers“ fighting for IS in Syria.
Keserovic claimed police had written his statement for him, giving it to him to sign afterward; but he also confirmed its contents, adding that he’d been given instructions on who to meet once he arrived in Syria.
In a separate trial, Keserovic was sentenced to a year in prison.
Keserovic is a high school dropout from the village of Trnovi who comes from a poor family. His father died of cancer, leaving him, his mother and his two brothers to fend for themselves. Everyone in the family is unemployed.
He said he was only following the lead of his older brother, Alija, with whom he often attended Bosnic’s sermons. Alija departed for Syria earlier, after spending time with Bosnic minding his goats.
Where the elder brother is now, and what he is doing, remains unknown.
The story of the brothers Keserovic is one example among many in the mountainous villages of Bosnia and Herzegovina – an economic black hole of widespread unemployment, rampant corruption, and the echoes of the early 1990s conflict that has never seen resolution.
The power-sharing political system installed by the peace agreement that ended the Bosnian war has nurtured a festering sense of injustice among Bosnia’s three main ethno-religious groups, the Orthodox Serbs, the Catholic Croats and the Muslim Bosniaks.
Arrest of BosnicThe three groups share a strong sense of nationalism. For a small minority of Bosniaks, nationalism led them to join the Salafist sect – Muslims who follow an extreme version of Islam, distinguishable in the streets of Bosnia by their long beards, loose clothing and cotton pants cut above the ankle; Salafist women are generally completely enveloped in black.
Bosnian Salafists predate the rise of IS. The first surfaced in Bosnia during the war between 1992 and 1995, when Bosnia was subject to an arms embargo and struggled to protect itself from Serb attacks. A number of fighters from the Middle East came to Bosnia to fight alongside their Muslim brethren; with them, they brought Salafism.
In the aftermath of the war, the Salafists‘ influence spread, although their interpretation of Islam never sat well with the country’s official Islamic community, which has taken issue with the group since the war. Most Bosnian Muslims reject the Salafists‘ restrictive, fundamentalist views.
The hub of Bosnia’s Salafi community appears to be located in Austria. In 2007, the former head of the Bosnian Islamic community, Mustafa Ceric, claimed that the masterminds behind Bosnian Salafism were Bosnians living in Vienna.
After several incidents involving Salafists – including the 2010 bombing of a police station in the central town of Bugojno, and a 2011 armed attack on the US Embassy in the capital Sarajevo – Bosnian authorities began to respond more forcefully. Scrutiny of the group intensified after the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, as the international community began to focus on the activities of IS.
As a result, many Bosnian Salafists began to retreat to remote villages where they could live by their own rules.
One of those remote locations is the place where Bosnic was first arrested: the north-eastern village of Gornja Maoca.
The village, closed to media, has in the past couple of years developed a reputation as a stronghold of the Salafists. Some of the most prominent figures involved in extremist incidents have spent time there.
A New Leader
Several years ago, the informal leader in Gornja Maoca was Nusret Imamovic – now believed by the US State Department to be fighting in Syria. When Imamovic left, he left a void. For a short time, the Salafists lacked a unified voice.
Bosnic gained prominence with speeches and media appearances, becoming the Salafist community’s new leader. His September 2014 arrest, along with 15 others, was part of the high-profile police operation Damascus. Srebrenik municipality – location of Gornja Maoca
Bosnic preached near his home in north-western Buzim, and also travelled to give sermons. But he was rarely allowed to speak in front of a wider Dzemat (the Islamic community of one particular mosque, usually drawn from the neighborhood in which the mosque is located).
According to the Dzemat of the King Fahd mosque in Sarajevo, Bosnic tried to deliver a sermon there but was turned away.
Nezim Muderis Halilovic, who occasionally preaches at King Fahd, said: “He does not fit into our concept here.”
But in smaller communities, like the north-western town of Velika Kladusa, Bosnic was the religious authority, giving sermons after Friday prayers. According to witnesses, people traveled many miles to hear him speak.
For many he was also a father figure, and Alija Keserovic joined other young men who worked on Bosnic’s land before leaving for Syria.
Witness Sefik Cufurovic said his son Ibro, in his early 20s, was a good student before he went in 2013 to live with Bosnic in Buzim, to tend his sheep.
Ibro left for Syria shortly after. His whereabouts are not known.
Another witness, Rifet Sabic, said his son Suad was killed fighting for IS early this year after growing close to Bosnic.
„Any family whose house was ever visited by Bilal Bosnic is destroyed,“ Sabic told the court.
Nusret ImamovicNermin Sabic was offered a room by Bosnic after his father kicked him out. Soon, Sabic – in his early 30s – would also depart for Syria, where he was killed in 2013.
The Power of Interpretation
According to defense lawyer Adil Lozo, Bosnic’s speeches are simply teachings from Islamic history, and verses from the Kur’an. Lozo says that Bosnic and other Salafists are the victims of discrimination, and that their rights to free thought, religion and expression are being suppressed.
After the Bosnic verdict was announced, Lozo told journalists: „Now we have, instead of religious authorities, judges who know how religious scriptures should be interpreted.“ He had complained that Judge Huskovic did not even know how to pronounce parts of Bosnic’s quotes in Arabic.
In the courtroom, the prosecutor quoted from Bosnic’s sermons:“What makes the Lord of the servant, Allah, most happy is when his servant like that, without armor, jumps into a group of infidels and fights until he is killed.“
Selvedin Beganovic, a former religious leader for the village of Trnovi, told the court that Bosnic takes Islamic teachings out of their context and twists them.
„What Bosnic is doing and telling people is snatching away Islam,“ said Beganovic. „He does this by calling out to young men to go to jihad. He tells them to go fight a war, to die as Sehids [people who die on Allah’s path].“
This was confirmed by expert witness Vlado Azinovic, a professor of terrorism-related studies at the Faculty of Political Sciences in Sarajevo.
„Bosnic frequently used episodes from the history of Islam and selectively chose passages from the Kur’an which would incite believers to depart for battlefields in Syria, so they can fulfill God’s mission,“ he said.
A Different Kind of Organized Crime
One question remains unanswered.
Bosnia has an unemployment rate of more than 43 percent, a figure that rises to nearly 60 percent among Bosnian youth. The average monthly wage for those who do have a job is about 1,140 Bosnian marks (US$ 639).
So how did Merim Keserovic, an 18-year-old high school dropout from a poor, unemployed family, pay for a plane ticket to Turkey?
Keserovic’s trip was anticipated by authorities. While he was being arrested at Sarajevo airport in February, authorities were rounding up four other Salafists they suspected of planning and funding the attempted trip. Two of them later received prison sentences. Adil Lozo (left) and Husein Bosnic
Husein Erdic, from Bosnic’s small hometown Buzim – organized Keserovic’s travel onwards to Syria, and put him in touch with Midhat Trako, a man who fronted the cash for the plane ticket to Turkey. Erdic and Trako have been linked in court to Bosnic.
But during Bosnic’s trial, the court heard the testimony of a witness who himself fought alongside IS in Syria. His name cannot be reported for his own protection. He said Bosnic and his predecessor Nusret Imamovic were the only ones able to approve a person to fight for the terrorist group. If the testimony is to be believed, Trako could not have financed the trip on his own initiative.
According to trial witnesses, Bosnic received „vast sums“ from Arab countries, paid into his bank account. The indictment cites a sum of 200,000 Bosnian marks (about US$115,000) meant for financing the recruitment of Bosnians to IS – but the exact source of this money is not stated.
While there is no clear proof that this money was connected to travel expenses for those who left for Middle Eastern battlefields, testimony indicated that Merim, Alija, Suad, Nermin and others were part of Bosnic’s Dzemat before they left.
Many of those who left did not come back.
The prosecutor cited intelligence that 97 Bosnians have left for Syrian and Iraqi battlefields to date – 52 of them have returned, while 26 were killed. Most had one thing in common – they gathered in particular villages and mosques before they departed, including those where Bosnic held sermons.
Former religious leader Selvedin Beganovic testified that the groups of people who usually attended Bosnic’s speeches were poor, uneducated, or criminals who „hid behind their beards“.
The Charismatic Speaker
During his final statement, Bosnic spoke in a manner very similar to his Youtube speeches. He stood and began to talk slowly and calmly, but not quietly. He seemed both unconcerned and confident.
As he spoke, he moved his hands slowly and turned from time to time to directly address the courtroom audience.
„The heavens and the earth are witnesses to my innocence,“ he told them. Even as the verdict was passed two weeks later, Bosnic was calm and quiet.
Judge Huskic said Bosnic’s sentence was proof that Bosnia and Herzegovina is capable of prosecuting all those who threaten its national security.
Bosnic’s lawyer claims he will appeal the ruling. Prosecutors, meanwhile, say they will seek a longer sentence.