Schon der Vater, mordete mit der SS und der Hitler Wehrmacht im Kosovo und war auf Raubzügen gegen die anderen Ethien. Und genau da machten die primitiven Dorfbewohner weiter uach bei Blutrache Feldzügen rund um den „Kanun“ gegen andere Albaner Familien.
Die Rolle der Mythen
Bericht über die internationale Tagung »The Role of ‚Myths‘ in History and Development in Albania«, 11. bis 13. Juni 1999 an der School of Slavonic and East European Studies (SSEES) in London
Vom 11. bis zum 13. Juni fand an der School of Slavonic and East European Studies eine Tagung über »The Role of Myths in History and Development in Albania« statt. Sie begann zufällig zeitgleich mit dem Einmarsch der ersten UN-Truppen in den Kosovo. Die Funktion, Bildung und Instrumentalisierung von Mythen in Albanien im historischen und sozialpolitischen Kontext zu betrachten, erwies sich damit als zeitpolitisch hochaktuell. Die gewaltlegitimierende Wirkung der Kosovomythen im sich gegenseitig ausschliessenden Territorialanspruch (die mittelalterliche Schlacht auf dem Amselfeld für die serbische Seite und der »Gegenmythos« der Urabstammung von illyrisch-dardanischen Siedlern auf albanischer Seite) wird der internationalen Gemeinschaft derzeit täglich mit dem Bekanntwerden gewalttätiger Übergriffe im Kosovo vor Augen geführt.
Mit der Unterstützung zum Aufbau eines funktionierenden Bildungssystems im Kosovo wird sich bald die Frage stellen, wie Geschichte weiterhin unterrichtet werden soll – und dies könnte direkte Auswirkungen auf den Geschichtsunterricht in Albanien haben. Wird es nötig sein, wie früher gemeinschaftsstiftende Mythen, wie sie Noel Malcolm in einen großen Bogen als albanische »Schlüsselmythen« (von Illyrianismus über Skanderbeg bis zu heutigen Freund- und Feindbildern) identifizierte, im Unterricht zu reproduzieren, um kompensatorischen Nationalstolz zu schaffen, Verteidigungsbereitschaft zu mobilisieren und ideologische Gleichschaltungsprozesse vorbereiten zu lassen?
Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers, Balkanologin,SSEES der Universität London
Am übelsten ist ja die Legenden Bildung um den Jashari Clan, was eine sehr primitive kriminelle Familien Gruppe war, welche ja sogar Zivilisten ermordete und die Köpfe abschnitt.
Die Legende der Ermittlungen durch Michael Montgomery u.a auch in der BBC
Besonders peinlich auch der geheime 29 page UNMIK Bericht 2003, über die Kriegs Verbrechen, rund um die gefangenen Serben, Frauen Kinder zur Organ Entnahme.
Kosovo’s house of pain
A house scarred by Serbian violence becomes a monument to Kosovo’s push for independence. CNN’s Alessio Vinci reports.
� Kosovo defiant as U.N. talks fail December 10, 2007
Michael Savage Discusses More On Bill Clinton & Kosovo (60% was civilian target, a crime NATO war, for the albanian mafia)
Savage goes into more detail about Kosovo and how the media and the Clinton administration lied about the situation. In the end, America and NATO ended up supporting radical jihadists while killing innocent non-muslim civilians.
1987 New York Times article on ethnic cleansing of Serbs in Kosovo
Most people today assume that the conflict between Serbia and Kosovo began when the genocidal Serbs invaded Kosovo in order to ethically cleanse that province. What is overlooked however, but what was well known in the West during the late 1980s as the New York Times article below demonstrates, was that ethnic Albanians began expelling Slavs in order to achieve their goal of Greater Albania long before Milosevic had invaded Kosovo. They have almost succeeded since after NATO’s intervention they have driven out hundreds of thousands of Serbs out of Kosovo with those still remaining there being holed up in small enclaves in the north of the province. Why are then the Serbs today demonized while Kosovo Albanians are portrayed as the innocent victims of the Serbian aggression? Perhaps because, as Diana Johnstone writes, „the Soviet bloc had collapsed and the unity of independent, non-aligned Yugoslavia was no longer in the strategic interest of the United States.“
„In Yugoslavia, Rising Ethnic Strife
Brings Fears of Worse Civil Conflict“
By David Binder (Special to the N.Y.Times)
The New York Times, November 1, 1987, Late City Final Edition (p.14)
Portions of southern Yugoslavia have reached such a state of ethnic friction that Yugoslavs have begun to talk of the horrifying possibility of „civil war“ in a land that lost one-tenth of its population, or 1.7 million people, in World War II.
The current hostilities pit separatist-minded ethnic Albanians against the various Slavic populations of Yugoslavia and occur at all levels of society, from the highest officials to the humblest peasants.
A young Army conscript of ethnic Albanian origin shot up his barracks, killing four sleeping Slavic bunkmates and wounding six others. The army says it has uncovered hundreds of subversive ethnic Albanian cells in its ranks. Some arsenals have been raided.
Ethnic Albanians in the Government have manipulated public funds and regulations to take over land belonging to Serbs. And politicians have exchanged vicious insults.
Slavic Orthodox churches have been attacked, and flags have been torn down. Wells have been poisoned and crops burned. Slavic boys have been knifed, and some young ethnic Albanians have been told by their elders to rape Serbian girls.
Ethnic Albanians comprise the fastest growing nationality in Yugoslavia and are expected soon to become its third largest, after the Serbs and Croats.
The goal of the radical nationalists among them, one said in an interview, is an „ethnic Albania that includes western Macedonia, southern Montenegro, part of southern Serbia, Kosovo and Albania itself.“ That includes large chunks of the republics that make up the southern half of Yugoslavia.
Other ethnic Albanian separatists admit to a vision of a greater Albania governed from Pristina in southern Yugoslavia rather than Tirana, the capital of neighboring Albania.
There is no evidence that the hard-line Communist Government in Tirana is giving them material assistance.
The principal battleground is the region called Kosovo,a high plateau ringed by mountains that is somewhat smaller than New Jersey. Ethnic Albanians there make up 85 percent of the population of 1.7 million. The rest are Serbians and Montenegrins.
Worst Strife in Years
As Slavs flee the protracted violence, Kosovo is becoming what ethnic Albanian nationalists have been demanding for years, and especially strongly since the bloody rioting by ethnic Albanians in Pristina in 1981 – an „ethnically pure“ Albanian region, a „Republic of Kosovo“ in all but name.
The violence, a journalist in Kosovo said, is escalating to „the worst in the last seven years.“
Many Yugoslavs blame the troubles on the ethnic Albanians, but the matter is more complex in a country with as many nationalities and religions as Yugoslavia’s and involves economic development, law, politics, families and flags. As recently as 20 years ago, the Slavic majority treated ethnic Albanians as inferiors to be employed as hewers of wood and carriers of heating coal. The ethnic Albanians, who now number 2 million, were officially deemed a minority, not a constituent nationality, as they are today.
Were the ethnic tensions restricted to Kosovo, Yugoslavia’s problems with its Albanian nationals might be more manageable. But some Yugoslavs and some ethnic Albanians believe the struggle has spread far beyond Kosovo. Macedonia, a republic to the south with a population of 1.8 million, has a restive ethnic Albanian minority of 350,000.
„We’ve already lost western Macedonia to the Albanians,“ said a member of the Yugoslav party presidium, explaining that the ethnic minority had driven the Slavic Macedonians out of the region.
Attacks on Slavs
Last summer, the authorities in Kosovo said they documented 40 ethnic Albanian attacks on Slavs in two months.In the last two years, 320 ethnic Albanians have been sentenced for political crimes, nearly half of them characterized as severe.
In one incident, Fadil Hoxha, once the leading politician of ethnic Albanian origin in Yugoslavia, joked at an official dinner in Prizren last year that Serbian women should be used to satisfy potential ethnic Albanian rapists. After his quip was reported this October, Serbian women in Kosovo protested, and Mr. Hoxha was dismissed from the Communist Party.
As a precaution, the central authorities dispatched 380 riot police officers to the Kosovo region for the first time in four years.
Officials in Belgrade view the ethnic Albanian challenge as imperiling the foundations of the multinational experiment called federal Yugoslavia, which consists of six republics and two provinces.
‚Lebanonizing‘ of Yugoslavia
High-ranking officials have spoken of the „Lebanonizing“ of their country and have compared its troubles to the strife in Northern Ireland.
Borislav Jovic, a member of the Serbian party’s presidency, spoke in an interview of the prospect of „two Albanias, one north and one south, like divided Germany or Korea,“ and of „practically the breakup of Yugoslavia.“ He added: „Time is working against us.“
The federal Secretary for National Defense, Fleet Adm. Branko Mamula, told the army’s party organization in September of efforts by ethnic Albanians to subvert the armed forces. „Between 1981 and 1987 a total of 216 illegal organizations with 1,435 members of Albanian nationality were discovered in the Yugoslav People’s Army,“ he said. Admiral Mamula said ethnic Albanian subversives had been preparing for „killing officers and soldiers, poisoning food and water, sabotage, breaking into weapons arsenals and stealing arms and ammunition, desertion and causing flagrant nationalist incidents in army units.“
Concerns Over Military
Coming three weeks after the ethnic Albanian draftee, Aziz Kelmendi, had slaughtered his Slavic comrades in the barracks at Paracin, the speech struck fear in thousands of families whose sons were about to start their mandatory year of military service.
Because the Albanians have had a relatively high birthrate, one-quarter of the army’s 200,000 conscripts this year are ethnic Albanians. Admiral Mamula suggested that 3,792 were potential human timebombs.
He said the army had „not been provided with details relevant for assessing their behavior.“ But a number of Belgrade politicians said they doubted the Yugoslav armed forces would be used to intervene in Kosovo as they were to quell violent rioting in 1981in Pristina. They reason that the army leadership is extremely reluctant to become involved in what is, in the first place, a political issue.
Ethnic Albanians already control almost every phase of life in the autonomous province of Kosovo, including the police, judiciary, civil service, schools and factories. Non-Albanian visitors almost immediately feel the independence- and suspicion – of the ethnic Albanian authorities.
Region’s Slavs Lack Strength
While 200,000 Serbs and Montenegrins still live in the province, they are scattered and lack cohesion. In the last seven years, 20,000 of them have fled the province, often leaving behind farmsteads and houses,for the safety of the Slavic north.
Until September, the majority of the Serbian Communist Party leadership pursued a policy of seeking compromise with the Kosovo party hierarchy under its ethnic Albanian leader, Azem Vlasi.
But during a 30-hour session of the Serbian central committee in late September, the Serbian party secretary, Slobodan Milosevic, deposed Dragisa Pavlovic, as head of Belgrade’s party organization, the country’s largest. Mr. Milosevic accused Mr. Pavlovic of being an appeaser who was soft on Albanian radicals. Mr. Milosevic had courted the Serbian backlash vote with speeches in Kosovo itself calling for „the policy of the hard hand.“
„We will go up against anti-Socialist forces, even if they call us Stalinists,“ Mr. Milosevic declared recently. That a Yugoslav politician would invite someone to call him a Stalinist even four decades after Tito’s epochal break with Stalin, is a measure of the state into which Serbian politics have fallen. For the moment, Mr. Milosevic and his supporters appear to be staking their careers on a strategy of confrontation with the Kosovo ethnic Albanians.
Other Yugoslav politicians have expressed alarm. „There is no doubt Kosovo is a problem of the whole country, a powder keg on which we all sit,“ said Milan Kucan, head of the Slovenian Communist Party.
Remzi Koljgeci, of the Kosovo party leadership, said in an interview in Pristina that „relations are cold“ between the ethnic Albanians and Serbs of the province, that there were too many „people without hope.“
But many of those interviewed agreed it was also a rare opportunity for Yugoslavia to take radical political and economic steps, as Tito did when he broke with the Soviet bloc in 1948.
Efforts are under way to strengthen central authority through amendments to the constitution. The League of Communists is planning an extraordinary party congress before March to address the country’s grave problems.
The hope is that something will be done then to exert the rule of law in Kosovo while drawing ethnic Albanians back into Yugoslavia’s mainstream.
Michael Savage: Kosovo’s Independence „Immoral“ and US media MANIPULATION regarding KOSOVOPart 1
Remember why NATO spent 78-days bombing Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999?There was the ethnic cleansing. The atrocities. The refugees chased out of Kosovo by the Serb army. The mass graves. The heaps of bodies tossed into vats of sulphuric acid at the Trepca mines.NATO spokesman Jamie Shea said there were 100,000 Kosovo Albanian Muslims unaccounted for. THE PROBLEM IS, NONE OF IT HAPPENED!
NATO’s original estimate of 100,000 ethnic Albanians slaughtered, later revised downward to 10,000, turns out to be considerably exaggerated.Dr. Peter Markesteyn, a Winnipeg forensic pathologist, was among the first war crimes investigators to arrive in Kosovo after NATO ended its bombing campaign.“We were told there were 100,000 bodies everywhere,“ said Dr. Markesteyn. „We performed 1,800 autopsies — that’s it.“Fewer than 2,000 corpses. None found in the Trepca mines. No remains in the vats of sulphuric acid. Most found in isolated graves — not in the mass graves NATO warned about. And no clue as to whether the bodies were those of KLA terrorists, civilians, even whether they were Serbs or ethnic Albanians.No wonder then that of all the incidents on which Slobodan Milosevic has been indicted for war crimes, the total body count is not 100,000, not 10,000, not even 1,800 — but 391!
It was William Walker, at the time head of the Kosovo Verification Mission (KVM) who, on the morning of January 16, 1999, led the press to the Kosovo village of Racak, a KLA stronghold. There some 20 bodies were found in a shallow trench, and 20 more were found scattered throughout the village. The KLA terrorists, and Walker, alleged that masked Serb policemen had entered the village the previous day, and killed men, women and children at close range, after torturing and mutilating them. Chillingly, the Serb police were said to have whistled merrily as they went about their work of slaughtering the villagers.Clinton’s Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, as eager to scratch her ever itchy trigger finger as her boss was to scratch his illimitable sexual itches, demanded that Yugoslavia be bombed immediately. Albright, like a kid agonizingly counting down the hours to Christmas, would have to wait until after Milosevic’s rejection of NATO’s ultimata at Rambouillet to get her wish.But not everyone was so sure that William Walker’s story was to be believed. The French newspaper La Monde had some trouble swallowing the story. It reported on Jan. 21, 1999, a few days after the incident, that an Associated Press TV crew had filmed a gun battle at Racak between Serb police and KLA terrorists. Indeed, the crew was present because the Serbs had tipped them off that they were going to enter the village to arrest a man accused of shooting a police officer. Also present were two teams of KVM monitors.It seems unlikely that if you’re about to carry out a massacre that you would invite the press — and international observers — to watch.And now there’s a report that the Finnish forensic pathologists who investigated the incident on behalf of the European Union, say there was no evidence of a massacre. In an article to be published in Forensic Science International at the end of February, the Finnish team writes that none of the bodies were mutilated, there was no evidence of torture, and only one was shot at close range.
The pathologists say Walker was quick to come to the conclusion that there was a massacre, even though the evidence was weak.And they point out that there is no evidence that the deceased were from Racak.The KLA terrorists, the Serbs charge, faked the massacre by laying out their fallen comrades in the trench they, themselves, prepared, and the United States used the staged massacre as a pretext for the bombing.
Stolen KOSOVO – Incendiary CZECH 2008 documentary part1of10
Koosvaren, wie Allbaner sind zu dumm, um eine einfachste Verwaltung aufzubauen, das zumindest die Administration eines Staates funktioniert. Die Intelligenz wandert aus, denn das gesamte Bildungs System ist Schrott, wo schon Professoren Null Bildung haben und nur aus Büchern vorlesen, welche oft total veraltet sind.
Noch peinlicher ist dann neben der Mythen Erfindung aber, das man ständig jammert, weil man keine produktiven Arbeitsplätze, noch Exporte hat, wobei vor 10 Jahren schon alle Finanzdaten stark im Negativen sind und waren.
Kosova, bilanci tregtar tragjik
Organ Handel, Entführung von 200 Serben schon in 1998, Alles wird vertuscht!
Trial Hears of KLA Terror Tactics
Former attaché Colonel John Crosland whose face was hidden from
public view by screens and image distortion, just as it was when he
testified against Slobodan Milosevic in July 2002 told judges on
Thursday that clashes between the fledgling KLA and Serbian forces began
well before the Lapusnik camp is alleged to have opened, and intensified
through the course of 1998.
He also said the KLA regularly kidnapped ethnic Serbs in an effort
to terrorise the population, and attacked Albanians it suspected of
But while he spoke of training programmes, supply routes and
regional headquarters, he expressed some scepticism about the extent to
which the KLA had an organised command structure at the time.
Croslands testimony was largely made up of comments on a series of
diplomatic telegrams presented to him by the prosecution. The bulk of
these documents are still under seal, and two legal advisors of the
British government were present in the courtroom throughout his
testimony to ensure this measure was respected.
With reference to the events described in these reports, Crosland
told judges that even as early as March and April 1998, clashes between
Serbian forces and ethnic Albanian rebels in the Drenica Valley a KLA
heartland – were spreading to the area around the border with Albania,
where the KLA was bringing in munitions and men along traditional
According to the diplomatic reports, by the second half of April,
western journalists were saying that the KLA virtually controlled areas
just over the border in Albania.
There were also indications that the KLA was operating training
camps in the Albanian towns of Tropoja, Bajram Curri and Kukes.
One diplomatic report presented by the prosecution noted that
kidnappings of Serbs had reached such a point that Serbs were beginning
to avoid travel around Kosovo.
In October we estimated something like 200 Serbs were missing,
presumed having been kidnapped by Albanian elements, Crosland told the
The witness also discussed media reports that the KLA had carried
out grenade attacks on businesses and restaurants in Pec belonging to
Albanians who were suspected of collaborating with the Serbs.
These attacks… were similar to what went on throughout this
campaign, where Albanians who were seen to be siding with the Serb
administration were taken out and their businesses either bombed and
they themselves murdered, Crosland told judges.
The trial continues.
, über die Verbrechen der UCK in Nord Albanien und dem Kosovo schon in 1998, wo die UCK Hardliner wie Ramuz Haradinaj und Hashim Thaci mit dem Profi Gangster Xhavit Halili, begannen gezielt konkurriende UCK Kommandanten zu ermorden aus dem Umfeld von Rugova und zwar vor allem auch in Albanien rund um Ahmet Krasniqi, der als praktisch Erster in Tirana ermordet wurde.
Das ZDF strahlte am 13.07.2011 um 23:45 Uhr eine Reportage des Frontal 21-Teams über Kriegsverbrechen, Organhandel und die Verstrickung Deutschlands in Verbrechen im Kosovo aus. Sevim Dadelen, Mitglied im Auswärtigen Ausschuss des Deutschen Bundestages und Sprecherin der Fraktion DIE LINKE. für Internationale Beziehungen kritisiert seit langem die Kontinuitäten der deutschen Balkanpolitik, welche Verbrechen wie den illegalen Organhandel erst möglich gemacht hat.
Hintergrund ist die Antwort der Bundesregierung auf ihre Kleine Anfrage Verstrickungen hochrangiger kosovarischer Politiker und Beamter in illegale Handlungen“ (17/6036) über die Komplizenschaft hochrangiger kosovarischer Politiker wie dem sog. Premierminister Hashim Thaçi, der von der Bundesregierung hofiert wird, in Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit.
Am 9.06.2011 hat Sevim Dadelen im Deutschen Bundestag die Rede KFOR beenden – Bundeswehr raus aus dem Kosovo“gehalten.