Albanian Mafia and the Stoner arms dealer

 

Der Haupt Belastung Zeuge in den Gerdec Ermittlungen stirbt bei einem Auto Unfall: Kosta Trebicka

 a old CIA arm system, (up 1993) with arms and munition from albania „made in china“

World Briefing | Europe

Albania: Whistle-Blower Found Dead

 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H2UyfK6pN1I

 

 

The Stoner Arms Dealers

How two American kids became big-time weapons traders — until the Pentagon turned on them

HIGH ON WAR: David Packouz (left) and Efraim Diveroli at a gun range near Miami (top). One of the illegal shipments of ammo they supplied to the Afghan army (bottom).

 

By Guy Lawson

March 16, 2011 9:00 AM ET

The e-mail confirmed it: everything was finally back on schedule after weeks of maddening, inexplicable delay. A 747 cargo plane had just lifted off from an airport in Hungary and was banking over the Black Sea toward Kyrgyzstan, some 3,000 miles to the east. After stopping to refuel there, the flight would carry on to Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan. Aboard the plane were 80 pallets loaded with nearly 5 million rounds of ammunition for AK-47s, the Soviet-era assault rifle favored by the Afghan National Army.

The American Wikileaks Hacker
Arms & the Dudes ARMS AND THE DUDES
Rolling Stone, March 31, 2011
How two stoner kids from Miami Beach became big–time arms dealers — until the Pentagon turned on them.

Go to RollingStone.com>>

Reading the e-mail back in Miami Beach, David Packouz breathed a sigh of relief. The shipment was part of a $300 million contract that Packouz and his partner, Efraim Diveroli, had won from the Pentagon to arm America’s allies in Afghanistan. It was May 2007, and the war was going badly. After six years of fighting, Al Qaeda remained a menace, the Taliban were resurgent, and NATO casualties were rising sharply. For the Bush administration, the ammunition was part of a desperate, last-ditch push to turn the war around before the U.S. presidential election the following year. To Packouz and Diveroli, the shipment was part of a major arms deal that promised to make them seriously rich.

This article appears in the March 31, 2011 issue of Rolling Stone. The issue is available now on newsstands and will appear in the online archive March 18.

Reassured by the e-mail, Packouz got into his brand-new blue Audi A4 and headed home for the evening, windows open, the stereo blasting. At 25, he wasn’t exactly used to the pressures of being an international arms dealer. Only months earlier, he had been making his living as a massage therapist; his studies at the Educating Hands School of Massage had not included classes in military contracting or geopolitical brinkmanship. But Packouz hadn’t been able to resist the temptation when Diveroli, his 21-year-old friend from high school, had offered to cut him in on his burgeoning arms business. Working with nothing but an Internet connection, a couple of cellphones and a steady supply of weed, the two friends — one with a few college credits, the other a high school dropout — had beaten out Fortune 500 giants like General Dynamics to score the huge arms contract. With a single deal, two stoners from Miami Beach had turned themselves into the least likely merchants of death in history.

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Arriving home at the Flamingo, his sleek condo with views of the bay, Packouz packed the cone of his Volcano, a smokeless electronic bong. As the balloon inflated with vapors from the high-grade weed, he took a deep toke and felt the pressures of the day drift away into a crisp, clean high.
Arms & the Dudes ARMS AND THE DUDES
Rolling Stone, March 31, 2011
How two stoner kids from Miami Beach became big–time arms dealers — until the Pentagon turned on them.

Go to RollingStone.com>>

Dinner was at Sushi Samba, a hipster Asian-Latino fusion joint. Packouz was in excellent spirits. He couldn’t believe that he and Diveroli were actually pulling it off: Planes from all over Eastern Europe were now flying into Kabul, laden with millions of dollars worth of grenades and mortars and surface-to-air missiles. But as Packouz’s miso-marinated Chilean sea bass arrived, his cellphone rang. It was the freight forwarder he had employed to make sure the ammunition made it from Hungary to Kabul. The man sounded panicked.

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„We’ve got a problem,“ he told Packouz, shouting to be heard over the restaurant’s thumping music. „The plane has been seized on the runway in Kyrgyzstan.“

The arms shipment, it appeared, was being used as a bargaining chip in a high-stakes standoff between George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin. The Russian president didn’t like NATO expanding into Kyrgyzstan, and the Kyrgyzs wanted the U.S. government to pay more rent to use their airport as a crucial supply line for the war in Afghanistan. Putin’s allies in the Kyrgyz KGB, it seemed, were holding the plane hostage — and Packouz was going to be charged a $300,000 fine for every day it sat on the runway. Word of the seizure quickly reached Washington, and Defense Secretary Robert Gates himself was soon on his way to Kyrgyzstan to defuse the mounting tensions.

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1

By Guy Lawson

March 16, 2011 9:00 AM ET

Packouz’s heart sank. There was not only an embargo against selling weapons manufactured in China: The Afghan contract specifically stipulated that Chinese ammo was not permitted. Then again, maybe AEY could argue that the ammunition didn’t violate the ban, since it had been imported to Albania decades before the embargo was imposed, back when Albania’s communist government had forged an alliance with Mao. There was precedent for such an argument: Only the year before, the Army had been delighted with Chinese ammo that AEY had shipped from Albania. But this time, when Diveroli wrote the State Department’s legal advisory desk to ask if he could use Chinese rounds made prior to the embargo, he received a curt and unequivocal reply: not without a presidential decree.

Given the deadline on the contract, there was no time to find another supplier. The Hungarians could fill half the deal, but the ammunition would not be ready for shipment until the fall; the Czechs could fill the entire order, but they wanted $1 million. Any delay would risk losing the entire contract. „The Army was pushing us for the ammo,“ says Packouz. „They needed it ASAP.“

So the two friends chose a third option. As arms dealers, subverting the law wasn’t some sort of extreme scenario — it was a routine part of the business. There was even a term of art for it: circumvention. Packouz e-mailed Podrizki in Albania and instructed him to have the rounds repackaged to get rid of any Chinese markings. It was time to circumvent.

Alone in a strange city, Podrizki improvised. He picked up a phone book and found a cardboard-box manufacturer named Kosta Trebicka. The two men met at a bar near the Sky Tower in the center of town. Trebicka was in his late forties, a wiry and intense man with thick worker’s hands. He told Podrizki that he could supply cardboard boxes strong enough to hold the ammunition, as well as the labor to transfer the rounds to new pallets. A week later, Podrizki called to ask if Trebicka could hire enough men to repack 100 million rounds of ammunition by taking them out of metal sardine cans and placing them in cardboard boxes. Trebicka thought the request exceedingly odd. Why go to all that trouble? Podrizki fibbed, saying it was to lighten the load and save money on air freight. After extended haggling with Diveroli back in Miami, Trebicka agreed to do the job for $280,000 and hired a team of men to begin repackaging the rounds.

As he worked at the warehouse, however, Trebicka grew even more suspicious. Concerned that something nefarious was happening, he called the U.S. Embassy and met with the economic attache. Over coffee at a cafe called Chocolate, Trebicka confided that the ammunition was covered in Chinese markings. Was that a problem? Not at all, the U.S. official replied. The embassy had been trying to find the money to pay for demolishing the ammunition, so sending the rounds to Afghanistan would actually do them a favor. AEY appeared to be in the clear.

But greed got the better of Diveroli. In a phone call from Miami, he asked Trebicka to use his contacts in the Albanian government to find out how much Thomet was paying the Albanians for the ammunition. AEY was giving the Swiss arms broker just over four cents per round and reselling them to the Pentagon for 10 cents. But Diveroli suspected that Thomet was ripping him off.

He turned out to be right. A few days later, Trebicka reported that Thomet was paying the Albanians only two cents per round — meaning that he was charging AEY double the asking price, just for serving as a broker. Diveroli was enraged. He asked Trebicka to meet with his Albanian connections and find a way to cut Thomet out of the deal entirely.

Trebicka was happy to help. The Albanians, he thought, would be glad to deal with AEY directly. After all, by doing an end run around Thomet, there would be more money for everyone else. But when Trebicka met with the Albanian defense minister, his intervention had the opposite effect: The Albanians cut him out of the deal, informing AEY that the repackaging job would be completed instead by a friend of the prime minister’s son. What Trebicka had failed to grasp was that Thomet was paying a kickback to the Albanians from the large margin he was making on the deal. Getting rid of Thomet was impossible, because that was how the Albanians were being paid off the books.

Diveroli flew to Albania and tried to intervene to help Trebicka keep the job, but he didn’t have enough clout to get the decision reversed. Trebicka was stuck with the tab for the workers he had hired to repackage the rounds, along with a warehouse full of useless cardboard boxes he had printed to hold the ammo. Furious at being frozen out, he called Diveroli and secretly recorded the conversation, threatening to tell the CIA what he knew about the deal. „If the Albanians want to still work with me, I will not open my mouth,“ he promised. „I will do whatever you tell me to do.“

Diveroli suggested that Trebicka try bribing Ylli Pinari, the head of the Albanian arms-exporting agency that was supplying the ammunition. „Why don’t you kiss Pinari’s ass one more time,“ Diveroli said. „Call him up. Beg. Kiss him. Send one of your girls to fuck him. Let’s get him happy. Maybe we can play on his fears. Or give him a little money, something in his pocket. And he’s not going to get much — $20,000 from you.“

When Trebicka complained about being muscled out of the deal, Diveroli said there was nothing he could do about it. There were too many thugs involved on the Albanian end of the deal, and it was just too dangerous. „It went up higher, to the prime minister and his son,“ Diveroli said. „This mafia is too strong for me. I can’t fight this mafia. It got too big. The animals just got too out of control.“

With things up in the air in Albania, Packouz was starting to feel the pressure. He was stressed out, working around the clock, negotiating multimillion-dollar purchases and arranging for transportation. It felt like AEY was under siege from all directions. So when the cargo plane had finally taken off from Hungary on its way to Kabul loaded with 5 million rounds of ammunition, Packouz had breathed a sigh of relief. Then the plane had been abruptly seized in Kyrgyzstan — and Packouz had been forced to swing into action once more, working the phones for weeks to get the ammo released. Fortunately, AEY had friends in high places. When Packouz contacted the U.S. Embassy in Kyrgyzstan, the military attache immediately wrote to the Kyrgyz government, explaining that the cargo was „urgently needed for the war on terrorism being fought by your neighboring Afghan forces.“ Two weeks later, Defense Secretary Robert Gates traveled to Kyrgyzstan on a mission to keep supplies flowing through the airport there. Under pressure from top U.S. officials, the ammo was eventually released.

„I never did find out what really happened, or why the plane was seized,“ says Packouz. „It was how things were done in international arms dealing. The defense industry and politics were extremely intertwined — you couldn’t do business in one without dealing with the other. Your fate depended on political machinations behind the scenes. You don’t even know whose side you were on — who you were helping and who you were hurting.“

With the plane released and the Albanian supply line secured, Packouz and Diveroli thought they finally had everything under control. Cargo planes filled with ammunition were taking off from airports across Eastern Europe. The military officials receiving the ammo in Kabul had to know it was Chinese: Every round is stamped with the place of manufacture, as any soldier knows. But the shipments were routinely approved, and there were no complaints from the Afghans about the quality of the rounds. The ammo worked, and that was all that mattered. Millions of dollars were being transferred via wire from the Pentagon into AEY’s accounts, and the $300 million contract was moving along smoothly. Diveroli was rich. Packouz was going to be rich. They had it made.

http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/the-stoner-arms-dealers-20110316?page=7

 

Ortaku i Diverolit, rrëfen nga burgu: Ç’ndodhi në Shqipëri

Ortaku i Diverolit, rrëfen nga burgu: Ç'ndodhi në Shqipëri

Gazeta „Shekulli“ ka përzgjedhur për botim pjesë të një artikulli të gjatë, shkruar nga gazetari i famshëm investigativ Guy Lawson, publikuar dje në revistën…

Arms & the Dudes ARMS AND THE DUDES
Rolling Stone, March 31, 2011
How two stoner kids from Miami Beach became big–time arms dealers — until the Pentagon turned on them.

Go to RollingStone.com>>

Gerdec blast and the US – Albanian bribery system

Consequences still resonate three months after Gerdec blast

23/06/2008

Although the people in Gerdec, Albania, have begun to rebuild their homes and move on, the March 15th blast in the town is still fresh in everyone’s minds. The explosion is still causing turmoil in Albanian politics.

11 Verhaftungen EULEX Verhaftungen darunter primitive Kriegs Verbrecher wie Fatmir Limaj, der Polizei Chef vo Bezirk Prizren: Nexhmi Krasniqi

 Sobald neue Informationen vorliegen, werden wir informieren. Die Verhaftungen begannen gestern Abend um 19:30 Uhr und viele dieser Verbrecher sind im Moment auch in Durres in Albanien, um durch Geldwaesche Investitionen mit der Mafia Stadt Rats Regierung rund um Vangjush Dako, Agron Duka – dem Lefter Koca Clan und dem Innenminister von Albanien Lulzim Basha, neue Idenditaeten und Albanische Paesse zu erhalten. Der Albanische Innenminister Lulzim Basha, ist fester Bestandteil in diesem Partei uebergreifenden Verbrecher Kartell.

siehe Report ueber um den geheimen NATO Report, ueber die Kosovo Verbrecher Banden rund um Xhavit Halili, Hashim Thaci, Haradinaj, Salih Berisha und Fatos Nano.

Die uralte Verbrecher Familie, Mazreku ist von diesen Verhaftungen ebenso betroffen.

16 Mar 2011 / 14:02

EU Officers ‚Blocked‘ by Kosovo Police During Arrest

Police officers from the EU rule-of-law mission, EULEX, were stopped by their Kosovo colleagues early on Wednesday as they tried to arrest the police chief in Prizren.

Neue Korruptions Rekord um Minister Fatmir Limaj ( 1 2 3)

EULEX arrestoi 8 ish-pjesëtarë të UÇK-së, fletarrestim edhe për Fatmir Limajn

EULEX arrestoi 8 ish-pjesëtarë të UÇK-së, fletarrestim edhe për Fatmir Limajn

Prizren, 16 mars – (E plotësuar) Aksioni i EULEX-it, i filluar sot në mëngjes, për arrestimin e disa ish-pjesëtarëve të UÇK-së, me dyshime për krime lufte, ende nuk ka përfunduar. Ai po zhvillohet në disa lokalitete të Kosovës.
Forca e policisë së EULEX-it kanë bastisur shtëpinë e Drejtorit të Policisë Rajonale në Prizren, Nexhmi Krasniqi dhe u tentua arrestimi i tij. Sipas burimeve të Info Globi, në momentin e arrestimit të komandantit Krasniqi, ka reaguar një grup i vogël qytetarësh, të cilët krijuan barrikada lokale dhe kanë penguar arrestimin e tij.
Nexhmi Krasniqi gjatë kohës së luftës ka qenë pjesëtar i UÇK-së.
Ndërkohë mediat njoftojnë për arrestimin e  Refki Mazrekut, i njohur me nofkën “Van Dami”, Naser Krasniqit, Behlul Limajt, Naser Shalës, Sabit Shalës, Shaban Shalës, Besim Shurdhajt dhe Osman Hoxhës.
Sipas informatave të fundit, ekziston fletarrestimi edhe për Fatmir Limajn, ish-ministër i Transportit dhe aktualisht deputet e nënkryetar i PDK-së. Sipas fletarrestim, ai është i dyshuar për krime të luftës në Kleçkë.

Burime të pakonfirmuara i thanë Koha. net se ndër të arrestuarit nga EULEX-i, përveç Nexhmi Krasniqit, janë  edhe Refki Mazreku –  Vandami, i vëllai i dëshmorit nga Malisheva, Ibrahim Mazreku, pastaj Besim Shurdhaj e Behlul Limaj, si dhe katër të tjerë. Arrestimin e Refki Mazrekut e konfirmoi edhe avokati i tij, Haxhi Millaku.

Ndërkohë agjencia Kosovapress shkruan se urdhër-arresti është lëshuar për 11 ushtarë të brigadës 121 – „Kumanova“, të Ushtrisë Çlirimtare të Kosovës, ndërsa thuhet se janë arrestuar katër prej tyre.

Policia e EULEX-it ka arrestuar disa zyrtarë të lartë të Policisë së Kosovës në rajonin e Prizrenit, në mesin e të cilëve edhe komandantin rajonal Nexhmi Krasniqi. Lajmi është konfirmuar edhe nga zyrtarë të lartë të EULEX-it. Të arrestuarit, sipas EULEX-it,  akuzohen për krime të luftës. Arrestimet janë kryer me urdhër të gjykatësit të EULEX-it të procedurës paraprake nga gjykata e Qarkut të Prishtinës. Hetimet janë duke u kryer nën mbikëqyrjen e një prokurori të Prokurorisë Speciale të Kosovës.

Tre persona janë arrestuar  nga policia e EULEX-it në rajonin e Prizrenit. Në komunikatën e shkurtër të EULEX-it, thuhet se personat e arrestuar dyshohen për krime të luftës në Kosovë.  EULEX-i, njofton se ka pasur bastisje, por nuk ka cekur vendin se ku kanë ndodhur bastisjet.

  • Fatmir Limaj vullnetarisht shkon në Gjykatë

    Fatmir Limaj vullnetarisht shkon në Gjykatë

    16 mars 2011 21:45(E plotësuar) – Fatmir Limaj ish-ministër i Transportit dhe aktualisht deputet e nënkryetar i PDK-së, për të cilin, siç u

  • EULEX arrestoi 8 ish-pjesëtarë të UÇK-së, fletarrestim edhe për Fatmir Limajn

  • Die UCK Terroristen, aus Sicht eines Albanischen Künstler!

    Asllan  Dibrani

    Karikaturë  nga autori Asllan Dibrani  në luftën e Kosovës, paraqitur kryekriminelin Sllobodan Millosheviq

                                                                                   me 1999