Albanien und der Niedergang einer demokratischen Idee ab 1991, durch die Deutsche Diplomaten Lobby Mafia

Albanien, hatte Ende 1990 eine Super Grund Basis, eine echte Demokratie zu werden,wie aus den hier veröffentlichen Meetings der Studenten mit dem damaligen Albanischen Präsidenten Ramiz Alia hervor geht (Videos der Meetings unten und Text Ausführungen). Die Kommunisten damals, waren sogar der Motor, für die Umgestaltung und Erneuerung in Zusammenarbeit mit den Studenten damals.

Neben extrem dummen und kriminellen Amerikanern (US-Albanische Handelskammer, AAEF in Tirana), welche private Geschäfte in Albanien auch mit Drogen betrieben, wie die US Botschafterin Mariza Lino, Josef Limprecht, spielten vor allem Deutsche Politiker im Balkan ein Mafiöse Rolle, den kompletten Balkan zu korrumpieren. Und das fängt direkt mit Gerhard Schröder u.a. mit den EADS Geschäfte, des heute angeklagten Rumänischen Premier Nastase, oder den Rezzo Schlauch, wie Bodo Hombach Geschäften mit der Prominenz der Verbrecher Clans.

Heute im Geschichtlichen Rückblick ist die Albanischen Mafiöse Mentalität so vollkommen verkommen,  und Gesetze, Verträge, ja auch jede Art von Gast Freundschaft ablehnt und da unter Demokratie versteht, wie im Artikel aufgeführt ist: Jeder macht was er will (democracy means the right to do as one wants) und Alles ist käuflich und massiver Staats Betrug, geradezu das Geschäft.

Grundlage des vollkommen Versagens auch des Westens, sind die damals bekannten Führer, einer angeblichen Demokratie: Salih Berisha, Azem Hajdarj u.a. , mit der einfältigen Berg Albaner Mentalität der Leute aus Tropoje, welche in Albanien berüchtigt sind. Salih Berisha ist nun mal nur der Sohn, eines Berg Bauern und lebt in der Mentalität eines Schaf Hirten. (enger Partner von Salih Berisha, war in 1991, schon der Weltbank Präsident Wolferson)

Ramiz alia tirana
11. Dezember 1990, Tirana Studenten treffen sich mit dem Staats Präsidenten Ramiz Alia

Statt den Phrasen, einer Demokratisierung, verwandelten diese Gestalten und viele auch aus der Ex-Kommunistischen Partei, wie vor allem Fatos Nano, den kompletten Staat, in ein privates Plünderungs Refugium um — wo Alles erlaubt ist. Azem Hajadari und Salih Berisha, Fatmir Mediu, Agron Musaraj, Mustafaj, die Shabani, wie Spartak Braho Mafia aus Durres, begannen damals u.a. vor allem mit dem Treibstoff Schmuggel nach Jugoslawien, wo die Amerikaner tatenlos zusahen, was ihre Freunde vor Ort so trieben. Ebenso wurde der Waffen schmuggel in den Kosovo gezielt weiter geführt, über den Haklaj Clan ebenso in Tropoje. Und dann artete Alles aus, als Drogen Vertriebs Stelle der Amerikaner für Europa.

Heute ist Albanien eine weitgehenst verrottete Gesellschaft, wie die jüngste Flut Kathastrophe zeigt, wo nun 28% der Bevölkerung gezielt die Auswanderung vorbereitet. Man kann das den Einwohnern nicht verübeln, nachdem Leute wie Joschka Fischer, Schröder und Co. mit der SPD auch nur Betrugs- Entwicklungshelfer mit der GTZ entsandte, oder Profi Verbrecher mit den Lobby Vereinen, wie dem DAW was aber ein Weltweit von Partei Buch Gängern installiertes System ist, der Auslands Regierungs Bestechung, was Leute wie Klaus Mangold Mafiös aufgebaut haben. Gipfel Punkt, waren hoch kriminelle Deutsche Diplomaten(1999-2005) in der Botschaft Tirana, deren Verbrecherische Energie in die Ermordung Deutscher Investoren führte, welche den Visa Skandal anzeigten. (vor allem Thomas Weck, Heribert Schenck, Sabine Bloch – BKA Bericht hierüber) und ordinär dummer Botschafter, wie kriminelle Umtriebe im BMZ der Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, welche 6 Milliarden €,mit Nonsens Projekten der Entwicklungshilfe Weltweit verschwinden liess.

06 Dec 2010 / 11:37

Albania Could Use Some Revolutionary Spirit

Today’s youth could learn from the  student uprising that challenged the communist regime 20 years ago.

Fred Abrahams

The collapse of communism in Albania was by no means a revolution.  But some revolutionary moments took place, and this week marks the 20th anniversary of one such dramatic event.

Students in Tirana burn a portrait of Enver Hoxha during protests in February 1991. (c) Gani XhengoOn December 8, 1990, a group of students at Enver Hoxha University in Tirana – named after the communist dictator – decided they had endured enough.  More than one year had passed since the fall of the Berlin Wall but Albania’s communist party still ruled supreme.  Hoxha’s successor had craftily avoided real reform, aided by Albania’s extreme isolation and the long arm of fear.  After decades of prisons, forced labor camps and executions for mild criticism, few Albanians stood ready to confront the regime.  Unlike Poland, Czechoslovakia and even Russia, of dissidents there were none.

A key figure in the communist leadership at the time called the process a “transfer of influence.”

Twenty years later, the students’ brief revolt seems a distant memory. None of the key figures from that time plays a role in Albania’s public life: most are abroad or in business; one served time in prison and another was murdered. The campus of the renamed Tirana University has no spirit of dissent today. Students pay for good grades.

Albania has a plethora of private academic institutions today, such as universities named “Epoka”, “Kristal” and the “University of New York Tirana”. Students are no longer taught what the ruling party wants them to think and say. But like so much in Albania, these universities are about business, pumping out degrees in architecture, engineering and law. Their uncritical orientation is towards the country’s current patron, the United States, just as Albanians during communism looked to the Soviet Union and then China

So, the students decided to act.  A few had developed vague political ideas with young professors, whispering about democracy, but many dreamed of materialistic gains long forbidden by Eastern Europe’s most rigid and Stalinist state: Beatles music, blue jeans and the joys of life as seen on Italian TV.

Students in Tirana burn a portrait of Enver
Hoxha during protests in February 1991.(c) Gani Xhengo

On December 8, the lights on the university campus went out, as they did many nights, and a small group gathered to protest.  The students worried the regime.  Unlike the intellectuals and professional class with ties to the party, the younger generation could be less controlled.  The protest spread, culminating on December 11 in the legalization of political pluralism.  The first opposition party was created the next day, controlled by Tirana elites, and it assumed power through democratic elections 14 months after that.

Maybe it is a healthy sign that people are making decisions based on their perceived self-interest; a revolutionary spirit can be a sign of deep-seated ills.  Indeed, Albania has opened radically over the last 20 years. It is no longer a land with sealed borders where prison terms face those who paint unacceptable art, practice religion or question the idea of a Socialist paradise.

But a middle ground surely exists, where young people also ponder how to make their country a better place: how to protect the environment, how to fight corruption, how to build a system where independent institutions replace the monolithic column that for decades dominated national life.

Instead, the defeat of hard-line communism has led to an allergic rejection of all things communal; democracy means the right to do as one wants. The students do not need to confront the police or stage another hunger strike. But a waft of revolutionary spirit would invigorate and improve the frantically pluralistic and wildly individualistic scene that the students helped create two decades ago.

Fred Abrahams’ book on the fall of communism in Albania will be published next year by New York University Press. Click here to read Student City chapter of the book. Setimes

06 DEC 2010 / 11:37

Student City


This chapter comes from Fred Abrahams’ book on the fall of communism in Albania, to be published next year by New York University Press.

Fred Abrahams

 New York


The student quarter of Tirana, called Student City, sits atop a low hill in the southeast of the city. In 1990, the squat beige and gray dormitories surrounded an open area of broken concrete and trampled grass.  The communist-era elite controlled most aspects of Albania’s political shift but that autumn the students briefly took charge of that drab hilltop and rattled the regime.

The ferment began when the university postponed the start of classes for two weeks.  The government claimed some buildings needed repair, but the students smelled deceit.  The French and Italian embassies lay a short walk from Student City.  The government probably feared another embassy siege.

Student in Tirana enter Hunger strike -Gani XhengoWhen classes began, party functionaries condemned “the vagabonds” who had stormed the embassies in July and urged students to respect the law.  The Party of Labor was becoming democratic, they said.  Albanians themselves would dictate the pace of change.  The students rejected the claims.  When the Minister of Interior visited the Academy of Arts, he faced sharp questions about free speech and the ban on modern art.

The students were losing their patience.  For one year they had watched the dramatic changes in Czechoslovakia, East Germany and even Romania, hoping Ramiz Alia would follow that path.  Instead, every move was mixed.  Alia allowed the issuance of passports but soldiers shot those attempting to flee across the border.  Previously taboo topics appeared in the state press but Alia demanded respect for the party line.

Part I
Takimi Ramiz Alia me studentet, 11 dhjetor 1990 – Pjesa 1

Students in Tirana enter hunger strike in February 1991 (c) Gani Xhengo

Many of the students came from other cities, including Shkoder and Kavaja.  They had watched the first protests in those cities and brought that energy to Tirana.  Like the rest of Eastern Europe, they thought Albania had to change.



Part II



While the students spoke, Mustafaj introduced Berisha to the energetic student Azem Hajdari, who had exhorted the students from the concrete bench in Student City the night before, and whom Mustafaj knew from their common Tropoja home.  It was the first time Berisha and Hajdari met.  They would play a complicated political game with one another for the next eight years.  The three men retreated to the cafeteria basement for a quiet talk in an alcove, Mustafaj recalled, where Berisha asked Hajdari about the students’ demands.  We want better living conditions, Hajdari replied.  “You don’t start this by putting sugar in your tea,” Berisha replied.  “You should demand pluralism.”  The students should not leave Student City, Berisha urged, but put political pluralism atop the list.


Wahre Hintergründe, der Franz Josef Strauss Besuche in Albanien: Bei dem letzten Strausse Besuch regelte Strauss Alles in Albanien, das der Staats Präsident Ramiz Alia, ab sofort Waffen in den Kosovo liefert, an die Kosovo Clans, welche ja in Europa schon für Drogen schmuggel und Verbrechen berüchtigt waren. Ramiz Alia, erhielt dafür Entwicklungshilfe, Geld, technische Hilfe aus Deutschland u.a. eine Milch Fabrik. Ramiz Alia, beauftragte dafür den Fatmir Haklaj Clan in Tropoje, der Geburtssitz auch des jetzigen Premier Minister Salih Berisha. Hans Dietrich Genscher, in Abstimmung mit dem US Senator Bob Dole (Senatorin Elisabeth Dole, auch US Rot Kreuz Präsidentin), organisierte Zeit gleich, die Kosovaren Seite, welche Waffen erhalten sollte u.a. Bushovshi. ab 1987, wurden Waffen in den Kosovo geliefert, mit Genehmigung von Fatos Nano, Ramiz Alia, und im Gegenzug, gab es Entwicklungshilfe für Albanien, was der eigentliche Grund des Franz Josef Strauss Besuches war, inklusive Gegeneinladung nach Bonn, wo die Dumm Spatzen des Politik Büros, ihre erbärmlichen Weisheiten von sich geben durften und Nichts kapierten.