Pentagon: Supplier Under Scrutiny on Arms for Afghans (from Albania)

March 27, 2008

Supplier Under Scrutiny on Arms for Afghans

This article was reported by C. J. Chivers, Eric Schmitt and Nicholas Wood and written by Mr. Chivers.

Since 2006, when the insurgency in Afghanistan sharply intensified, the Afghan government has been dependent on American logistics and military support in the war against Al Qaeda and the Taliban.

But to arm the Afghan forces that it hopes will lead this fight, the American military has relied since early last year on a fledgling company led by a 22-year-old man whose vice president was a licensed masseur.

With the award last January of a federal contract worth as much as nearly $300 million, the company, AEY Inc., which operates out of an unmarked office in Miami Beach, became the main supplier of munitions to Afghanistan’s army and police forces.


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MUNITIONS Problems with old munitions were exposed recently by explosions at an Albanian depot.

Since then, the company has provided ammunition that is more than 40 years old and in decomposing packaging, according to an examination of the munitions by The New York Times and interviews with American and Afghan officials. Much of the ammunition comes from the aging stockpiles of the old Communist bloc, including stockpiles that the State Department and NATO have determined to be unreliable and obsolete, and have spent millions of dollars to have destroyed.

In purchasing munitions, the contractor has also worked with middlemen and a shell company on a federal list of entities suspected of illegal arms trafficking.

Moreover, tens of millions of the rifle and machine-gun cartridges were manufactured in China, making their procurement a possible violation of American law. The company’s president, Efraim E. Diveroli (he is now 22 years old!), was also secretly recorded in a conversation that suggested corruption in his company’s purchase of more than 100 million aging rounds in Albania, according to audio files of the conversation.

This week, after repeated inquiries about AEY’s performance by The Times, the Army suspended the company from any future federal contracting, citing shipments of Chinese ammunition and claiming that Mr. Diveroli misled the Army by saying the munitions were Hungarian.

Mr. Diveroli, reached by telephone, said he was unaware of the action. The Army planned to notify his company by certified mail on Thursday, according to internal correspondence provided by a military official.

But problems with the ammunition were evident last fall in places like Nawa, Afghanistan, an outpost near the Pakistani border, where an Afghan lieutenant colonel surveyed the rifle cartridges on his police station’s dirty floor. Soon after arriving there, the cardboard boxes had split open and their contents spilled out, revealing ammunition manufactured in China in 1966.

“This is what they give us for the fighting,” said the colonel, Amanuddin, who like many Afghans has only one name. “It makes us worried, because too much of it is junk.” Ammunition as it ages over decades often becomes less powerful, reliable and accurate.

AEY is one of many previously unknown defense companies to have thrived since 2003, when the Pentagon began dispensing billions of dollars to train and equip indigenous forces in Afghanistan and Iraq. Its rise from obscurity once seemed to make it a successful example of the Bush administration’s promotion of private contractors as integral elements of war-fighting strategy.

But an examination of AEY’s background, through interviews in several countries, reviews of confidential government documents and the examination of some of the ammunition, suggests that Army contracting officials, under pressure to arm Afghan troops, allowed an immature company to enter the murky world of international arms dealing on the Pentagon’s behalf — and did so with minimal vetting and through a vaguely written contract with few restrictions.

In addition to this week’s suspension, AEY is under investigation by the Department of Defense’s inspector general and by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, prompted by complaints about the quality and origins of ammunition it provided, and allegations of corruption.

Mr. Diveroli, in a brief telephone interview late last year, denied any wrongdoing. “I know that my company does everything 100 percent on the up and up, and that’s all I’m concerned about,” he said.

He also suggested that his activities should be shielded from public view. “AEY is working on a moderately classified Department of Defense project,” he said. “I really don’t want to talk about the details.”

He referred questions to a lawyer, Hy Shapiro, who offered a single statement by e-mail. “While AEY continues to work very hard to fulfill its obligations under its contract with the U.S. Army, its representatives are not prepared at this time to sit and discuss the details,” he wrote.

As part of the suspension, neither Mr. Diveroli nor his company can bid on any further federal work until the Army’s allegations are resolved. But he will be allowed to provide ammunition already on order under the Afghan contract, according to internal military correspondence.

In January, American officers in Kabul, concerned about munitions from AEY, had contacted the Army’s Rock Island Arsenal, in Illinois, and raised the possibility of terminating the contract. And officials at the Army Sustainment Command, the contracting authority at the arsenal, after meeting with AEY in late February, said they were tightening the packaging standards for munitions shipped to the war.

And yet after that meeting, AEY sent another shipment of nearly one million cartridges to Afghanistan that the Combined Security Transition Command-Afghanistan regarded as substandard. Lt. Col. David G. Johnson, the command spokesman, said that while there were no reports of ammunition misfiring, some of it was in such poor condition that the military had decided not to issue it. “Our honest answer is that the ammunition is of a quality that is less than desirable; the munitions do not appear to meet the standards that many of us are used to,” Colonel Johnson said. “We are not pleased with the way it was delivered.”

Several officials said the problems would have been avoided if the Army had written contracts and examined bidders more carefully.

Public records show that AEY’s contracts since 2004 have potentially been worth more than a third of a billion dollars. Mr. Diveroli set the value higher: he claimed to do $200 million in business each year.

Several military officers and government officials, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the investigations, questioned how Mr. Diveroli, and a small group of men principally in their 20s and without extensive military or procurement experiences, landed so much vital government work.

“A lot of us are asking the question,” said a senior State Department official. “How did this guy get all this business?”

An Ambitious Company

The intensity of the Afghan insurgency alarmed the Pentagon in 2006, and the American unit that trains and equips Afghan forces placed a huge munitions order through an Army logistics command.

The order sought 52 types of ammunition: rifle, pistol and machine-gun cartridges, hand grenades, rockets, shotgun slugs, mortar rounds, tank ammunition and more. In all, it covered hundreds of millions of rounds. Afghan forces primarily use weapons developed in the Soviet Union. This meant that most munitions on the list could be bought only overseas.

AEY was one of 10 companies to bid by the September 2006 deadline.

Michael Diveroli, Efraim’s father, had incorporated the company in 1999, when Efraim was 13. For several years, a period when the company appeared to have limited activity, Michael Diveroli, who now operates a police supply company down the street from AEY’s office, was listed as the company’s sole executive.

In 2004, AEY listed Efraim Diveroli, then 18, as an officer with a 1 percent ownership stake.

The younger Diveroli’s munitions experience appeared to be limited to a short-lived job in Los Angeles for Botach Tactical, a military and police supply company owned by his uncle, Bar-Kochba Botach.

Mr. Diveroli cut off an interview when asked about Botach Tactical. Mr. Botach, reached by telephone, said that both Michael and Efraim Diveroli had briefly worked for him, but that after seeing the rush of federal contracts available after the wars began, they had struck out on their own.

“They just left me and took my customer base with them,” he said. “They basically said: ‘Why should we work for Botach? Let’s do it on our own.’ ”

As Efraim Diveroli arrived in Miami Beach, AEY was transforming itself by aggressively seeking security-related contracts.

It won a $126,000 award for ammunition for the Special Forces; AEY also provided ammunition or equipment in 2004 to the Department of Energy, the Environmental Protection Agency, the Transportation Security Administration and the State Department.

By 2005, when Mr. Diveroli became AEY’s president at age 19, the company was bidding across a spectrum of government agencies and providing paramilitary equipment — weapons, helmets, ballistic vests, bomb suits, batteries and chargers for X-ray machines — for American aid to Pakistan, Bolivia and elsewhere.

It was also providing supplies to the American military in Iraq, where its business included a $5.7 million contract for rifles for Iraqi forces.

Two federal officials involved in contracting in Baghdad said AEY quickly developed a bad reputation. “They weren’t reliable, or if they did come through, they did after many excuses,” said one of them, who asked that his name be withheld because he was not authorized to speak with reporters.

By this time, pressures were emerging in Efraim Diveroli’s life. In November 2005, a young woman sought an order of protection from him in the domestic violence division of Dade County Circuit Court.

The woman eventually did not appear in court, and her allegations were never ruled on. But in court papers, the woman said that after her relationship with Mr. Diveroli ended, he stalked her and left threatening messages.

Once, according to the file, his behavior included “shoving her to the ground and refusing to allow her to leave during a verbal dispute.” Other times, she reported, Mr. Diveroli arrived at her home unannounced and intoxicated “going about the exterior, banging on windows and doors.”

The woman worried that she could not ignore him, court records said, because his behavior frightened her.

Mr. Diveroli sought court delays on national security grounds. “I am the President and only official employee of my business,” he wrote to the judge on Dec. 8, 2005. “My business is currently of great importance to the country as I am licensed Defense Contractor to the United States Government in the fight against terrorism in Iraq and I am doing my very best to provide our troops with all their equipment needs on pending critical contracts.”

As AEY’s bid for its largest government contract was being considered, Mr. Diveroli’s personal difficulties continued. On Nov. 26, 2006, the Miami Beach police were called to his condominium during an argument between him and another girlfriend. According to the police report, he had thrown her “clothes out in the hallway and told her to get out.”

A witness told the police Mr. Diveroli had dragged her back into the apartment. The police found the woman crying; she said she had not been dragged. Mr. Diveroli was not charged.

On Dec. 21, 2006, the police were called back to the condominium. Mr. Diveroli and AEY’s vice president, David M. Packouz, had just been in a fight with the valet parking attendant.

The fight began, the police said, after the attendant refused to give Mr. Diveroli his keys and Mr. Diveroli entered the garage to get them himself. A witness said Mr. Diveroli and Mr. Packouz both beat the man; police photographs showed bruises and scrapes on his face and back.

When the police searched Mr. Diveroli, they found he had a forged driver’s license that added four years to his age and made him appear old enough to buy alcohol as a minor. His birthday had been the day before.

“I don’t even need that any more,” he told the police, the report said. “I’m 21 years old.”

Mr. Diveroli was charged with simple battery, a misdemeanor, and felony possession of a stolen or forged document.

The second charge placed his business in jeopardy. Mr. Diveroli had a federal firearms license, which was required for his work. With a felony conviction, the license would be nullified.

(Mr. Packouz was charged with battery and the charge was later dropped; he declined to be interviewed. To avoid a conviction on his record, Mr. Diveroli entered a six-month diversion program for first offenders in May 2007 that spared him from standing trial.)

A relative paid Mr. Diveroli’s $1,000 bail as his bid for the Afghan contract was in its final review.

To be accepted, the company had to be, in Army parlance, “a responsible contractor,” which required an examination of its financial soundness, transport capabilities, past performance and compliance with the law and government contracting regulations.

The week after a relative paid his bail, the Banc of America Investment Services in Miami provided Mr. Diveroli a letter certifying that his company had cash on hand to begin buying munitions on a large scale. It said AEY had $5,469,668.95 in an account.

AEY was awarded the contract in January 2007. Asked why it chose AEY, the Army Sustainment Command answered in writing: “AEY’s proposal represented the best value to the government.”

Eastern Bloc Arsenals

Both the Army and AEY have treated the sources of the ammunition the company purchases as confidential matters, declining to say how and where the company obtained it, the prices paid or the quantities delivered.

But records provided by an official concerned about the company’s performance, a whistle-blower in the Balkans and an arms-trafficking researcher in Europe, as well as interviews with several people who work in state arsenals in Europe, show that AEY shopped from stocks in the old Eastern bloc, including Albania, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Kazakhstan, Montenegro, Romania and Slovakia.

These stockpiles range from temperature-controlled bunkers to unheated warehouses packed with exposed, decaying ammunition. Some arsenals contain ammunition regarded in munitions circles as high quality. Others are scrap heaps of abandoned Soviet arms.

The Army’s contract did little to distinguish between the two.

When the United States or NATO buys munitions for themselves, the process is regulated by quality-assurance standards that cover manufacturing, packaging, storage, testing and transport.

The standards exist in part because munitions are perishable. As they age, propellants and explosives degrade, and casings are susceptible to weathering. Environmental conditions — humidity, vibration, temperature shifts — accelerate decay, making munitions less reliable.

NATO rules require ammunition to be tested methodically over its life; samples are fired through braced weapons, and muzzle velocities and accuracy are recorded.

For rifle cartridges, testing begins at age 10 years, according to Peter Courtney-Green, chief of the Ammunition Support Office of NATO’s Maintenance and Supply Agency.

The Soviet Union, which designed the ammunition that AEY bought, developed similar tests, which are still in use. But when the Army wrote its Afghan contract, it did not enforce either NATO or Russian standards. It told bidders only that the munitions must be “serviceable and issuable to all units without qualification.”

What this meant was not defined. An official at the Army Sustainment Command said that because the ammunition was for foreign weapons, and considered “nonstandard,” it only had to fit in weapons it was intended for.

“There is no specific testing request, and there is no age limit,” said Michael Hutchison, the command’s deputy director for acquisition. “As the ammunition is not standard to the U.S. inventory, the Army doesn’t possess packaging or quality standards for that ammo.”

When purchasing such munitions, Mr. Hutchison said, the Army Sustainment Command relies on standards from the “customer” — meaning the Army units in Afghanistan. And the customer, he said, did not set age or testing requirements.

With the vague standards in hand, AEY canvassed the field. One stop was Albania, a fortress state during Soviet times now trying to join NATO. Albania has huge stocks of armaments, much if it provided by China in the 1960s and 1970s.

The quality of these stockpiles vary widely, said William D. G. Hunt, a retired British ammunition technical officer who assessed the entire stock for Albania’s Ministry of Defense from 1998 to 2002. He said a military planning to use the munitions had reason to worry: at least 90 percent of the stockpile was more than 40 years old.

“If there was any procurement made for combat purposes from that stockpile, I would be very dubious about it,” he said. “I am not suggesting that all the ammunition would fail. But its performance would tail off rather dramatically. It is substandard, for sure.”

Problems with Albania’s decaying munitions were apparent earlier this month, when a depot outside Tirana, Albania’s capital, erupted in a chain of explosions, killing at least 22 people, injuring at least 300 others and destroying hundreds of homes.

Before the Army’s contractors began shopping from such depots, the West’s assessment of Albanian munitions was evident in programs it sponsored to destroy them. Through 2007, the United States had contributed $2 million to destroy excess small-caliber weapons and 2,000 tons of ammunition in Albania, according to the State Department.

A NATO program that ended last year involved 16 Western nations contributing about $10 million to destroy 8,700 tons of obsolete ammunition. The United States contributed $500,000. Among the items destroyed were 104 million 7.62 millimeter cartridges — exactly the ammunition AEY sought from the Albanian state arms export agency.

Albania offered to sell tens of millions of cartridges manufactured as long ago as 1950. For tests, a 25-year-old AEY representative was given 1,000 cartridges to fire, according to Ylli Pinari, the director of the arms export agency at the time of the sale.

No ballistic performance was recorded, he said. The rounds were fired by hand.

On that basis, AEY bought more than 100 million cartridges for the Pentagon’s order. The cartridges, according to packing lists, dated to the 1960s.

The company also hired a local businessman, Kosta Trebicka, to remove the ammunition from its wooden crates and hermetically sealed metal boxes — the standard military packaging that protects munitions from moisture and dirt, and helps ensure its reliability and ease of transport in the field.

Mr. Trebicka, in interviews, said Mr. Diveroli wanted to discard the crates and metal boxes to reduce the weight and cost of air shipments and maximize profits. Several American officials said they suspected that the packaging was removed because it bore Chinese markings and the ammunition’s age.

The Czech Connection

As the cartridges in Albania were being prepared for shipment to Afghanistan, Mr. Diveroli began seeking ammunition from the Czech Republic to fill an order for Iraq’s Interior Ministry.

In May 2007, according to two American officials, the Czech government contacted the American Embassy in Prague with a concern: AEY was buying nine million cartridges through Petr Bernatik, a Czech citizen who had been accused by Czech officials of illegal arms trafficking.

The accusations included shipments of rocket-propelled grenades in violation of an international embargo to Congo, and illegal shipments of firearms to Slovakia.

Mr. Bernatik had publicly denied both accusations. But they were deemed credible enough in Washington that he was listed on the Defense Trade Controls watch list, according to one of the American officials.

This list, maintained by the State Department, is used to prevent American dealers from engaging suspicious traders in their business, in part to prevent legal arms companies from enriching or legitimizing black-market networks.

AEY has never been implicated in black-market sales. But the Czech government, which had discretion over the sale, asked the American Embassy if it wanted Mr. Bernatik involved in AEY’s deals, according to the two American officials, who requested anonymity because they were not authorized to share the contents of diplomatic discussions.

The United States did not try to block the transaction, one of the American officials said, in part because equipping Iraq was in the United States’ interest, and also because Mr. Bernatik had been accused, not convicted.

On May 7, 2007, the Czech government issued an export license. Mr. Bernatik, in a telephone interview, said he arranged seven flights to Iraq for AEY last year. “We have a normal business collaboration,” he said.

A Mysterious Middleman

The international arms business operates partly in the light and partly in shadows, and is littered with short-lived shell companies, middlemen and official corruption. Governments have tried to regulate it more closely for years, with limited success.

As Mr. Diveroli began to fill the Army’s huge orders, he was entering a shadowy world, and in his brief interview he suggested that he was aware that corruption could intrude on his dealings in Albania. “What goes on in the Albanian Ministry of Defense?” he said. “Who’s clean? Who’s dirty? Don’t want to know about it.”

The way AEY’s business was structured, Mr. Diveroli, at least officially, did not deal directly with Albanian officials. Instead, a middleman company registered in Cyprus, Evdin Ltd., bought the ammunition and sold it to his company.

The local packager involved in the deal, Mr. Trebicka, said that he suspected that Evdin’s purpose was to divert money to Albanian officials.

The purchases, Mr. Trebicka said, were a flip: Albania sold ammunition to Evdin for $22 per 1,000 rounds, he said, and Evdin sold it to AEY for much more. The difference, he said he suspected, was shared with Albanian officials, including Mr. Pinari, then the head of the arms export agency, and the defense minister at the time, Fatmir Mediu.

(Mr. Mediu resigned last week after the ammunition depot explosions; Mr. Pinari was arrested.) The Albanian government has been infuriated by Mr. Trebicka’s allegations. Sali Berisha, the prime minister, Mr. Mediu and Mr. Pinari all denied involvement in kickbacks. But Mr. Trebicka said that after he raised his concerns about Evdin with the Defense Ministry, his company was forced from the repackaging contract.

On June 11, 2007, Mr. Trebicka and Mr. Diveroli commiserated by phone about problems with doing business in Albania. Mr. Trebicka surreptitiously recorded the conversation, and later gave the audio files to American investigators.

The conversation, he said, showed that the American company was aware of corruption in its dealings in Albania and that Heinrich Thomet, a Swiss arms dealer, was behind Evdin.

In the recordings, which Mr. Trebicka shared with The Times, Mr. Diveroli suggests that Mr. Thomet, called “Henri,” was acting as the middleman.

“Pinari needs a guy like Henri in the middle to take care of him and his buddies, which is none of my business,” Mr. Diveroli said. “I don’t want to know about that business. I want to know about legitimate businesses.”

Mr. Diveroli recommended that Mr. Trebicka try to reclaim his contract by sending “one of his girls” to have sex with Mr. Pinari. He suggested that money might help, too.

“Let’s get him happy; maybe he gives you one more chance,” he said. “If he gets $20,000 from you … ”

At the end, Mr. Diveroli appeared to lament his business with Albania. “It went up higher to the prime minister and his son,” he said. “I can’t fight this mafia. It got too big. The animals just got too out of control.”

In e-mail exchanges, Mr. Thomet denied an official role in Evdin. His involvement in the Albania deal, he said, had been in introducing Mr. Diveroli to potential partners and officials. Bogdan Choopryna, Evdin’s general manager, also said Mr. Diveroli’s allegations were not true. “We listen to the words of Mr. Diveroli, and then I am responsible for what he is saying?” he said. In addition to being an official with Evdin, Mr. Choopryna, 27, markets products for a Swiss company run by Mr. Thomet.

The dispute about Evdin’s role and who owns it remains publicly unresolved. Evdin had incorporated on Sept. 26, 2006 — the week after Mr. Diveroli bid on the Afghan contract, according to Cyprus’s registrar. The company listed its office in Larnaca, Cyprus, and its general director as Pambos Fellas.

A visit by a reporter to the address found an accounting business above a nightclub. Evdin had no office or staff there. And Mr. Fellas, who was inside, said that he was not Evdin’s general director, but “a nominee director” whose sole role was to register the company.

He had registered hundreds of such companies for a fee, he said, and knew nothing of Evdin’s business.

Some signs point back to Switzerland. Mr. Pinari initially told two reporters that he worked with Evdin via Mr. Thomet. (After a reporter told Mr. Thomet this, Mr. Pinari changed his story, referring the reporter to Mr. Fellas and Evdin’s office in Cyprus.) Mr. Diveroli also said the Cyprus company was run by a “Swiss individual.”

Mr. Thomet has been accused in the past by private groups, including Amnesty International, of arranging illegal arms transfers under a shifting portfolio of corporate names. His activities have also caused concern in Washington, where, like Mr. Bernatik, he and Evdin are on the Defense Trade Controls watch list, an American official said.

Mr. Thomet said past claims that he had engaged in illegal arms trading were caused by “false statements by former competitors.”

Hugh Griffiths, operations manager of the Arms Transfer Profile Initiative, a private organization that researches illicit arms transfers, described Mr. Thomet as a broker with contacts in former Eastern bloc countries with stockpiles and arms factories. His proximity to AEY’s purchases, Mr. Griffiths said, raised questions about whether the Pentagon was adequately vetting the business done in its name.

“Put very simply, many of the people involved in smuggling arms to Africa are also exactly the same as those involved in Pentagon-supported deals, like AEY’s shipments to Afghanistan and Iraq,” he said.

Under the suspension ordered Wednesday, the Army planned to continue accepting ammunition it had already ordered from AEY. As of March 21, it had ordered $155 million of munitions, according to the Army Sustainment Command.

In Afghanistan, American munitions officers are examining all of the small-arms ammunition AEY has shipped. The final shipment, which arrived in wooden crates, included loose and corroded cartridges, according to three officers. At Rock Island Arsenal, the contracting authority said it was cooperating with investigators, who have also visited Albania and Afghanistan.

And in Miami Beach, even before the suspension, AEY had lost staff members. Michael Diveroli, the company’s founder, told a reporter that he no longer had any relationship with the company. Mr. Packouz, who was AEY’s vice president, and Levi Meyer, 25, who was briefly listed as general manager, had left the company, too.

Mr. Meyer offered a statement: “I’m not involved in that mess anymore.”

C. J Chivers reported from Nawa, Afghanistan, Russia and Ukraine; Eric Schmitt from Washington and Miami Beach; and Nicholas Wood from Tirana, Albania. Reporting was contributed by Alain Delaquérière and Margot Williams from New York, James Glanz from Baghdad, and Stefanos Evripidou from Cyprus.



Deutsche Mafia Rechts Auffassung nach der Methode Steinmeier und des AA

Chuzpe war bekanntlich bisher die Bitte des vor Gericht stehenden jugendlichen Elternmörders um mildernde Umstände, weil er Vollwaise sei.
Inzwischen ist der junge Mann von einem veritablen Außenminister abgelöst worden.

von Jochen Scholz*

Foto: googleHerr Steinmeier, der vor wenigen Wochen das Kosovo als unabhängigen Staat anerkannt und damit die UNO-Sicherheitsratsresolution 1244 gebrochen hat, die eine einseitige Trennung der Provinz von Serbien verbietet, Herr Steinmeier, der ohne Rechtsgrundlage eine EULEX-Mission aus 2000 Richtern und Beamten für das Kosovo ins Leben gerufen hat, dieser Herr Steinmeier ruft Serbien dazu auf, sich an die Resolution 1244 zu halten: 

PM des AA vom 17.03.2008 | 16:18

Auswärtiges Amt 
Verurteilung der gewalttätigen Ausschreitungen in Nord-Mitrovica 

Angesichts der gewalttätigen Ausschreitungen im Zusammenhang mit der Besetzung eines Gerichtsgebäudes im Norden der Stadt Mitrovica erklärte Bundesaußenminister Dr. Frank-Walter Steinmeier heute (17.03.) in Jerusalem: 

„Die Gewaltakte serbischer Demonstranten gegen Kräfte der UNMIK-Polizei und der internationalen Schutztruppe KFOR in Nord-Mitrovica sind inakzeptabel und durch nichts zu rechtfertigen. Ich verurteile sie auf das Schärfste. Die hierfür Verantwortlichen müssen ermittelt und zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden. 

Die VN-Resolution 1244 und damit die Zuständigkeit von UNMIK auch für den Norden des Kosovo müssen ohne Abstriche und von allen Seiten respektiert werden. 

Die internationale Gemeinschaft wird allen Versuchen, dies in Frage zu stellen, entschlossen entgegentreten. Ich unterstütze daher nachdrücklich die von UNMIK und KFOR eingeleiteten Schritte, um Ruhe und Ordnung wiederherzustellen. Die Rechnung serbischer Nationalisten darf nicht aufgehen!“ 

Besonders pikant: Die in Mitrovica festgenommenen Serben wurden ins Gefängnis nach Pristina verbracht. Eine UNMIK-Meisterleistung! Dies verwundert jedoch nicht, wenn man weiß, wer der Chef dieser Behörde ist: Joachim Rücker, ehemaliger Oberbürgermeister von Sindelfingen und Angehöriger des Auswärtigen Dienstes.

Dieser offenkundig unfähige Provinzpolitiker, der mit dem in Den Haag wegen Kriegsverbrechen vor Gericht stehenden, ehemaligen Ministerpräsidenten und – immer noch – Mafia-Boss Ramush Haradinaj, ein herzliches Verhältnis zur Schau stellte und ihn persönlich mit den besten Wünschen aus dem Kosovo verabschiedete, war zudem etwas unsicher geworden, wer denn nun sein Dienstherr sei. Er entschied sich vor wenigen Tagen für den deutschen Außenminister anstatt für den UNO-Generalsekretär – und hatte mit Zitronen gehandelt. Wie das kam?
Nun, Rücker wollte dem serbischen Minister für das Kosovo, Slobodan Samardic, die Einreise nach Mitrovica zu den Kosovo-Serben verbieten. Schließlich, so dachte er wohl, darf ich mir die weitere Karriere nicht verbauen, nachdem mein Außenminister Stein und Bein behauptet, dass Kosovo völkerrechtlich nicht mehr Teil Serbiens ist. Außerdem kam ihm  wohl auch der Vorname des Ministers nicht geheuer vor. Daraufhin setzte es aus New York eine schallende Ohrfeige: Die UNO-Vorgesetzten erklärten, dass die Resolution 1244 das Kosovo als Teil Jugoslawiens bezeichne, dessen Rechtsnachfolger Serbien sei, und er solle mal ganz schnell seine Entscheidung zurücknehmen. Und so geschah es. 

Wichtiger als meine persönliche Schadenfreude ist aber etwas anderes: Die Anweisung der UNO entlarvt die „Rechtsauffassung“ der Bundesregierung, Kosovo sei seit seiner einseitigen Erklärung vor einem Monat ein unabhängiger Staat, als feiges Wegducken vor befürchteten amerikanischen Prügeln.
Wenn sich Herr Steinmeier nun an seine eigene Aufforderung hielte, „die VN-Resolution 1244 müsse ohne Abstriche und von allen Seiten respektiert werden“, und dies in der nächste Kabinettsitzung der Bundesregierung durchsetzte, müssten die KFOR-Soldaten der Bundeswehr nicht länger im rechtsfreien Raum agieren. Andernfalls laufen sie auch weiterhin Gefahr, sich vor einem nationalen oder internationalen Gericht verantworten zu müssen. 

Nachzulesen ist der Fall Rücker in der Süddeutschen Zeitung vom 19. März 2008 auf Seite 4, prominent in der Mitte platziert.

*Der Autor war 38 Berufsoffizier in der Bundesluftwaffe, vertrat die Bundesrepublik in verschiedenen NATO-Gremien und multinationalen Stäben und arbeitete in den letzten Jahren seiner Dienstzeit im Bundesministerium der ­Verteidigung.

© Medienanalyse-International

Kurz gesagt: Was jeder auch in Albanien weiss: Geschaeft und Unterschlagung der Aufbau Hilfe ist im Auswaertigen Amte und in den Botschaften Alles im Balkan in guter Zusammenarbeit mit der GTZ und dem BMZ und was interessiert schon einen Deutschen Diplomaten und Aussenminister das Voelker Recht und die Helsinki Akte. Lieber macht man Geschaefte mit bekannten Moerdern und Bin Laden Freunden, denn der Profit aus der Unterschlagung der Aufbau Hilfe geht inzwischen nicht nach Millionen, sondern es sind laengst ueber eine Milliarde Euro! Seit langem fragen sich halt die Albaner und langsam auch die Kosovaren, wo denn nun diese Projekte sind und wo diese enormen Geldsummen investiert wurden.

The Iran – Balcan Gate: Drogen / Zigaretten und Waffen Schmuggel des CIA, mit der Methode der Iran Contra Affaere des Oliver North

Inzwischen stellt sich heraus, das die verantwortliche US Firma fuer die Waffen Geschaefte nur eine US Firmen Registrierung fuer Fahrraeder und Sport Artikel hat.

Ebenso ist die US Firma Edvin Ltd. eine Fake Firma und es gibt keinerlei Firmen Registrierung.

Dies zu den Verantwortlichen, fuer die Kathastrophe von Gerdec in Albanien.

Aber Waffen und Munition wird u.a. an Israel (die Kalaschnikov Munition fuer die Hamas Kriege werden also also direkt von Israel geliefert), damals an Ruanda (siehe Massaker 1994) Sudan und den Iran geliefert. Die Iranische Munition taucht dann wieder auf in 2008 bei den Tibet Unruhen bzw. 1994 mit den von den Amerikanern eingeflogenen Islamischen Terroristen in Bosnien und spaeter im Nord Kosovo fuer die KLA – UCK Terroristen.

Die Waffenlieferungen sind was wohl was jedem klar ist, vom CIA gesteuert, inklusive der Waffen fuer das Ruanda Massaker und die Probleme mit den Sudan, bis nach Bosnien. Die geheimen CIA Vertraege mit Albanien besitzt ja Deutschland und deshalb ist die einzige Frage: Wie lange will Deutschland diese Terroristen Kriege weiter mit inzenieren und damit verdienen, denn es sollte jedem klar sein, das Deutschland eine Revolution braucht, um das Gesindel der Politiker aus ihren Aemtern zu vertreiben.

Deutsche Aussen Politik ist rein kriminelle und seit Ende 1998, wird nur noch gezielt mit Bestechung im Ausland gearbeitet.

Diese verantwortliche US Firma fuer den Waffenhandel hat eine Firmen Registrierung fuer Fahrrad Verkauf und mehr nicht! Es ist einfach zu laecherlich und zeigt deutlich warum die kriminellen Horden aus der Politik einen Rechtsfreien Raum: Kosovo benoetigen!

Superfirma amerikane e Gerdecit e specializuar ne bicikleta


(Dërguar më: 23/03/08) Zbulohet se përzgjedhja e kompanisë„Southern Ammunition Company Inc” (SAC), ka qenë në linjën e realizimit të korrupsionit, evazionit dhe kontrabandës.

Qeveria shqiptare ia kishte besuar zbatimin e programeve të saj për çmontimin e arsenalit gjigand të armatimeve një biznesi të vogël amerikan, që, si aktivitet të tij kryesor, ka shitjen me pakicë të biçikletave dhe artikujve sportivë.
Pas zbulimit të skemës së përdorimit të firmës fantazëm „EVDIN Ltd”, me bazë në Qipro, për të kryer ciklimin e parave të zeza për kontratën e shitjes së 100 milionë fishekëve Pentagonit për ushtrinë afgane, tashmë del qartë se, edhe përzgjedhja e kompanisë „Southern Ammunition Company Inc” (SAC), nga Karolina e Jugut (SHBA) nga zyrtarët e lartë qeveritarë (në interes të biznesmenit Mihal Delijorgji), ka qenë gjithnjë në linjën e realizimit të korrupsionit, evazionit dhe kontrabandës.
Firma SAC është shoqëria e zgjedhur nga Qeveria për të çmontuar municionet në Gërdec, shperthimi i të cilës pikërisht një javë më parë shkaktoi një tragjedi të tmerrshme.
Sipas investigimit të bërë nga ‚’Gazeta Shqiptare’’ rezulton së kompania ‚’SAC’’ është e regjistruar me data të ndryshme në regjistrat amerikane të kompanive të biznesit, gjithnjë në shtetin e Karolinës së Jugut dhe për aktivitet të tij kryesor, ka shitjen me pakicë të biçikletave dhe artikujve sportivë. Për herë të parë, ajo e ka filluar aktivitetin në vitin 1975. Pas regjistrimit të parë, nuk ka asnjë të dhënë, ndërkohë që më 18 dhjetor 1986 firma rezulton të jetë regjistruar si kompani në Karolinën e Jugut, por ka falimentuar më 29 shtator 1989. Më pas, është regjistruar përsëri më 2 shkurt 1995.
Sipas bilancit të deklaruar në zyrën e taksave, që Gazeta Shqiptare ka mundur ta sigurojë, ajo gjatë 12 muajve të fundit, deri në mars 2008, rezulton të ketë bërë pagesa të ndryshme, por në shifra tepër të ulta.
Sipas dokumenteve qeveritare amerikane, rezulton se pagesat janë 15.000 dollarë, nga të cilat me 2.500 USD janë paguar lëvizjet me makina, 750 dollarë për letër dhe 250 për komunikim telefonik.
Sipas vlerësimit të D&B (DUN & BRADSTREET), kompani e analizës së biznesit, ajo normalisht kryen me vonesë pagesat e saj për klientët.
SHTESE NE dhjetor te vitit 2007
Në rubrikën e „Operacioneve”, rezulton që në date 7/12/2007, të jetë shtuar zëri „specializuar në fushën e municioneve”. Pesë muaj më parë firma SAC nënshkruan kontratat e saj në Shqipëri për të shkatërruar municionet, por duke pasur që prej një viti një kuotë prej 25% të aksioneve në shoqërinë Alb-Demil të Mihal Delijorgjit


. Tragjedia-Gerdec, zbulohet firma e dyte fantazme, „GARIETTA LTD“ e njejte me „EVDIN LTD“


20:10| Firma “EVDIN LTD” qe ka bere blerjen e municionineve ka nje seli fantazme, por nuk eshte firma e vetme me te dhena false. Edhe “GARIETTA” ka nje adrese false ndersa ka te njejtat numra kontakti si “EVDIN”. siehe auch die Geheimdienst Operationen des CIA und der CIA Operation ROOTs, wie man im Stile der Iran Contra Affaere, verdeckte Operationen des CIA mit Drogen und Waffen finanziert inklusive dem Einfliegen von 4.000 Islamischen Terroristen nach Bosnien 1994

Zerschlagung Jugoslawiens: Die CIA Operation

EKSKLUZIVE/Biznesi i fshehte me depot e ushtrise shqiptare, fisheke drejt Iranit


(Dërguar më: 25/03/08) Kjo tregëti, e zbuluar pikërisht pas tragjedisë së Gërdecit, është vetëm një nga eksportet e shumta që MEICO në shërbim të politikanëve dhe afaristëve shqiptarë, ka kryer në këto vite e pakontrolluar nga asnjë autoritet publik

Që kur qeveria e Sali Berishës zbuloi biznesin e armëve, eksportet ushtarake të Shqipërisë u shtuan me 563%. Kjo është shifra rekord e vitit 2006, e publikuar edhe në raportin e Bankës Kombëtare që vitin e kaluar zbuloi se eksportet e armëve mes viteve 2004 dhe 2005 ishin mesatarisht 550.000 euro në vit, ndërsa në 2006, 3,3 milionë euro.
Eshtë i njëjti vit në të cilin Mihal Delijorgji ngriti shoqërinë për të eksportuar armë dhe qeveria mendoi të bënte një ligj për t’i dhënë dritë jeshile privatizimit në këtë sektor, duke eliminuar monopolin e MEICO-s, që duke qenë ndërmarrje shtetërore kur kryen krime, përfshin dhe qeverinë. Siç ndodhi në Gërdec dhe me shitjen e municioneve në Afganistan.
Kjo tregëti, e zbuluar pikërisht pas tragjedisë së Gërdecit, është vetëm një nga eksportet e shumta që MEICO në shërbim të politikanëve dhe afaristëve shqiptarë, ka kryer në këto vite e pakontrolluar nga asnjë autoritet publik apo organ informacioni. Eksportime kryesisht të municioneve, sepse arsenalet shqiptare janë plot me këto dhe me pretekstin e demontimit është e lehtë t’i zhdukësh në sasi të mëdha dhe pasi paguhen si skrap, mund të shiten më pas si municione të vërteta.
Shqipëria e Sali Berishës, përveç Afganistanit, ka shitur sasi gjigande municionesh në Gjeorgji, Argjentinë, madje dhe në Iran. Në vitin 2005 rezultojnë të jenë eksportuar në republikën islamike “armë, municione dhe pajisje të tjera ushtarake” me një vlerë 279.000 euro, ndërsa në vitin 2006 furnizime të ngjashme, gjithnjë në Iran, me një vlerë 203.000 Euro. Çudia qëndron se në 2006 Shqipëria ka eksportuar zyrtarisht edhe në Izrael armë dhe municione me një vlerë prej 690 mijë Euro. E çuditshme jo vetëm se Irani dhe Izraeli janë armiq të mëdhenj mes tyre, por se të dy janë vende që prodhojnë armë dhe municione dhe vërtetë s’kuptohet se si mund të ishin të interesuar për furnizime nga Shqipëria. Mbetet dyshimi i ndonjë trekëndëshi dhe këto armë të kenë përfunduar në tjetër vend.
Shifrat e habitshme u morën nga “Gazeta Shqiptare” duke konsultuar database e Qendrës Shqiptare për Tregëtinë Ndërkombëtare (ACIT), krijuar në 1999 nga Instituti për Studime Bashkëkohore (ISB) Programi i Zhvillimit të Legjislacionit Tregtar (CLDP) dhe Agjencia e Shteteve të Bashkuara për Zhvillim Ndërkombëtar (USAID). Të dhënat freskohen periodikisht falë informacioneve të mbledhura pranë doganave me të cilat ACIT ka marrëveshje zyrtare bashkëpunimi.
ACIT regjistron të gjitha mallrat e eksportuara dhe të importuara zyrtarisht nga Shqipëria, duke i ndarë në kategori (për secilën kategori korrespondon një kod) dhe në bazë të destinacionit (në rast eksporti) dhe të origjinës (në rast importi). Sigurisht, të dhënat në database të ACIT nuk i janë nënshtruar asnjë hetimi, por mjaftohen të pasqyrojnë të dhënat e doganave. Kështu nëse një mall rezulton të eksportohet zyrtarisht drejt Qipros, por në të vërtetë përfundon në Greqi, në të dhënat shënohet Qipro. Me këtë këndvështrim lexuam dhe analizuam eksportimet e Shqipërisë për kategorinë “Armë, municione e pajisje” që ka kodin doganor 19. Brenda kësaj kategorie ka nënkategori me kode të ndryshme.
Marrim rastin e Iranit. Në vitin 2006 Shqipëria eksportoi drejt Iranit “municione për armë lufte” (kodi doganor 930690) me një vlerë 102.200 Euro, që duken pak, por me çmimin 22 dollarë për arkë nga 1.000 fishekë (aq sa i ka shitur MEICO në Afganistan), korrespondojnë me 6 milionë fishekë. Të njëjtin vit, eksportoi gjithnjë drejt Iranit municione të tjera (po me kodin doganor 930630) me një vlerë doganore 101.000 euro. Ky është i njëjti kod me të cilin janë regjistruar eksportet e municioneve të blera në vit 2007 me kërkesë të qeverisë amerikane dhe të transferuara në Kabul për forcat e armatosura afgane. Në 2005, Shqipëria eksportoi drejt Iranit municione të tjera (i njëjti kod: 930630) me një vlerë 279 mijë euro: do të thotë 15 milionë 500 mijë fishekë.
Pra, në dy vjet Shqipëria e Sali Berishës (duke u bazuar në të dhënat e Qendrës Shqiptare për Tregtinë Ndërkombëtare) i ka shitur Iranit mbi 27 milionë fishekë. Po kush i ka blerë? Kujt i kanë shërbyer? Partnerët euroatlantikë janë të informuar? Kryeministri Sali Berisha, që thotë se nuk dinte asgjë për ç’ndodhte në Gërdec, tani pas dy vjetësh, është informuar për municionet me destinacion Iranin?
Eksportet me Iranin kanë një precedent: që në 2004, kur ishte në qeveri Fatos Nano (ministër Mbrojtje Pandeli Majko) rezultojnë të eksportuara drejt Iranit municione për një vlerë 101.000 euro: sërish 6 milionë fishekë.
Në vitin 2005 u eksportuan municione (kodi 930630) edhe drejt Irakut: vlera doganale 123 mijë euro, që korrespondojnë me rreth 7 milionë fishekë. Një shitje që nuk të habit: tre vjet më parë Iraku ishte në duar të forcave amerikane, ku edhe ushtarët shqiptarë ishin të impenjuar në misionin e paqes.
Eksporti që të bën më shumë përshtypje për përmasat e tij është ai i 2006 kur Shqipëria eksportoi drejt Gjeorgjisë (vend ku kishte një konflikt në Osetinë e jugut) municione (gjithnjë me kodin 930630) me një vlerë doganale 2 milionë 392 mijë Euro. Me çmimet e MEICO-s do të thotë 130 milionë fishekë. Pra 30 përqind më shumë se e gjithë sasia e porositur deri tani nga AYE (për llogari të Pentagonit) për ushtrinë afgane.
Pyetjet dhe dyshimet janë të shumta. E para: çfarë interesi ka qeveria gjeorgjiane të blejë municione të vjetra nga Shqipëria, që janë kryesisht fabrikim rus, tamam si ato që mbushin arsenalin e saj? Pastaj, kënë përfunduar vërtetë në Gjeorgji ato municione? E mbi të gjitha: përmes cilës shoqëri dhe me ç’transparencë e ka bërë MEICO këtë shitje të kryer në sekret të madh dhe larg reflektorëve të shtypit?
Shitja e municioneve drejt Afganistanit zbuloi ekzistencën e një afere të frikshme korruptive: MEICO i shiti një shoqërie fantazmë me bazë në Qipro, “EVDIN Ltd” që më pas ia faturoi blerësit amerikan (AEY Ltd) me çmim gati dyfish. U krijua një fond i zi prej të paktën 1.8 milionë dollarësh, si bakshish, vetëm për pjesën e parë të kontratës. Sa fonde të tjera të zeza dhe sa ryshfete të tjera janë realizuar nën hijen e tregëtisë së armëve gjatë këtyre viteve?
Eksporti më i papritur është ai i bërë me Argjentinën. Vitin e kaluar Shqipëria i shiti vendit amerikano-jugor, më i njohur për futboll se sa për kërkesa ushtarake, municione me vlerë 527.600 Euro (kodi doganor 930690) që të përkthyera në sasi janë 32 mijë arka me armë, baraz me 32 milionë fishekë. Se çfarë bën Argjentina me fishekët e vjetër shqiptarë, mbetet mister. Këto 32 mijë arka me fishekë janë një ngarkesë e rëndësishme, që kërkojnë spostime njerëzish dhe mjetesh ushtarake, por mbi të gjitha (sic u zbulua me aferën e municioneve të shitura në Afganistan) kërkojnë dhe një procedurë ripaketimi.
Municionet shqiptare që ndodhen në depo të ndryshme të ushtrisë ruhen në arka të rënda metalike të cilat u dhanë nga rusët apo kinezët mes viteve ‘50-‘70. Por sot transporti kushton dhe kështu për të reduktuar peshën e si rrjedhojë shpenzimet e transportit, municionet transferohen në arka më të lehta: kush e ka kryer këtë procedurë për fishekët e shitura në Argjentinë?
Në rastin e Afganistanit, sipas denoncimeve të biznesmenit Kosta Trebicka, e ka kryer “Albademil”: dhe meqë selia e shoqërisë së Delijorgjit dhe amerikanit Patrick C. Henry III (pronari i SAC) ishte në Gërdec, është e mundur që paketimi municioneve për në Afganistan të jetë bërë në të njëjtat mjedise të Gërdecit që shpërthyen më pas, më 15 mars. Po paketimin e municioneve për në Argjentinë kush e ka bërë? Po në Gjeorgji, apo në Iran a në ndonjë vend tjetër? Eksportet drejt Argjentinës u bënë në 2007, kur u tregua se “Albademil” komandonte ndaj MEICO-s dhe Qeverise. Eshtë e mundur që edhe këto fishekë të jenë paketuar në Gërdec? Këtë herë me çfarë autorizimi?
Edhe pse 2006 është viti rekord i eksportimeve, Shqipëria eksporton armë dhe municione që prej 1992, kur u krijua MEICO. Ngarkesa e parë me granata iu shit me 5 shtator të 1992 Sllovenisë. U eksportuan 140.000 granata dhe 450.000 municione kalibër 7.62: ato që MEICO sot i shet me 22 dollarë për arkë, 16 vjet më parë u shitën me 90 dollarë për arkë. Pastaj MEICO në kohën e Berishës president (por ndoshta edhe atëherë ai s’dinte asgjë), i shiti armë Indonezisë (22 shtator 1993) deri edhe Sudanit (12 tetor 1994). Më 26 qershor 1995 Shqipëria shiti 5 milionë municione, 5000 granata mortajash dhe 500 antitanke Rpg edhe në Afganistan, vetëm një vit para se vendi të binte në duar të talebanëve. Ishte eksporti i fundit për 5 vjet. Biznesi rifilloi në vitin 2000 në epokën e socialistëve, kur MEICO veç furnizimit të koleksionistëve të armëve në Europën perëndimore, u kap duke i shitur armë Ruandës, vend në embargo. Ministri i atëhershëm i mbrojtjes Pandeli Majko siguroi se gjithçka ishte bërë sipas rregullave (tamam siç dëgjohet të thuhet sot), sepse armët ishin shitur përmes një ndërmarrjeje izraelite që kishtë licencë të rregullt, “Verona Commodities”. Konfirmimi që në të vërtetë kishim të bënim me një skandal erdhi në vitet e mëvonshme, kur kjo ndërmarrje u kap duke shitur municione (jo shqiptare) vendeve të botës së tretë, në luftë mes tyre.
Ky është cinizmi i kujt shet armë: fitojnë para mbi vdekjen e të tjerëve. Një cinizëm që bëhet i turpshëm kur shoqërohet nga imuniteti.

20:09| Gerdeci, deshmon komandat i FB-se, Shpetim Spahiut


18:45| SHPU kunder Mediut: Vendosi ai per Gerdecin


  20:55| Prokurori i „Gerdecit“, Xholi, ish jurist i kompanise “Meico”


20:25| Tragjedia, fabrika e demontimit ne Gerdec nuk ruhej nga forcat e ushtrise


Die Politische Mafia des Fatos Nano und von Sabri Godo

Der verhaftete Mihal Delijorgji, der mit Amerikanern zusammen der Haupt Verantwortliche ist der Kathastrophe von Gerdec, ist durch die Fakten der General Staats Anwaelting Ina Rama, Akten kundig ebenso fuer die Versorgung von grossen Mengen eingeschmugglter Zigaretten in 2003, 2004 und durch seine Verbindungen zu der Mafia um Fatos Nano und Sabri Godo ebenso Akten kundig.

Hier sind die genauen Details der umfangreichen falschen Dokumente, welche nur moeglich sind durch die Beteiligung der damaligen Minster Malaj, Angjeli, Spartak Poci (beide engste Partner der Deutschen Verbrecher Strukturen um die Deutsche Botschaft, GTZ, DAW und der Deutschen Politischen Mafia)

Ganz gezielt bauen diese Leute mit Hilfe Deutscher und US Berater ein Welt weit operierendes Mafia System auf mit vielen Fake Firmen, wie in diesem Falle der Firma „Evin“, welche es bis heute nie registriert wurde, aber damals schon gewaltige Mengen von Zigaretten importieren konnte und die Geldwaesche erfolgt, dann wieder ueber illegale Bauten, an denen die jeweiligen Politiker gut beteiligt sind.

Diese Aktivitaeten beweisen im uebrigen folgendes: Die jetzige Regierung von Salih Berisha und der Interne Zirkel um Salih Berisha arbeitet sehr gruendlich, wie auch die Aktionen der neuen General Staats Anwaeltin und die Arbeit vo INA Rama aufzeigt.

Solange ausl. Botschaften und angebliche Aufbau Helfer wie die GTZ und der gesamte kriminelle Wahnsinn diverser Botschaften und ausl. Staatlicher Aufbau Firmen in Wirklichkeit nur Mafia Systeme aufbauen und deren Logistik zum eigenen Profite sponsern, sind in Wirklichkeit die Drahtzieher dieser kriminellen Systeme zu verhaften und das sind in erste Linie gewissen Amerikaner und Deutsche Aufbau Helfer.

EKSKLUZIVE\Prokuroria që në 2004: Delijorgji evazion me skrapin e predhave

» Dërguar më: 22/03/2008 – 07:13
Lajme nga Arkivi
• Datë: Mar 21, 2008

• Në prill të vitit 2004, Drejtoria e Përgjithshme e Doganave ka zbuluar aferat e Delijorgjit, duke iniciuar ndaj tij një procedim penal për veprat penale të kontrabandës me mallra të tjera dhe falsifikim të formularëve

Aferat korruptive dhe të paligjshme të Mihal Delijorgjit janë të shtrira në kohë edhe vite më parë, ku sërish ai dhe firma e tij “Përparimi”, kanë pasur kontrata me Ministrinë e Mbrojtjes për eksportimin e mbetjeve të predhave dhe sjelljen e hekurit që duhej të prodhohej nga këto predha. Në prill të vitit 2004, Drejtoria e Përgjithshme e Doganave ka zbuluar aferat e Delijorgjit, duke iniciuar ndaj tij një procedim penal për veprat penale të kontrabandës me mallra të tjera dhe falsifikim të formularëve. Në hetimin e zhvilluar ishte zbuluar e gjithë skema e përdorur nga Delijorgji për të shmangur detyrimet doganore. Ai ka mashtruar me një sasi hekuri, duke deklaruar se ai ishte produkt i mbetjeve të predhave të eksportuara në Qipro. Por autoritetet doganore kishin vërtetuar se predhat ishin shkarkuar në Selanik, ndërsa hekuri kishte ardhur nga Italia. Gazeta ka mundur të sigurojë konkluzionin e hetimeve paraprake të zhvilluara nga Prokuroria e Durrësit, duke e botuar atë të plotë.
Prokuroria e Rrethit Gjyqësor Durrës, mbi bazë të kallëzimit të bërë nga Drejtoria e Përgjithshme e Doganave, Tiranë ka filluar më dt. 19.04.2004, procedimin penal nr.425, për veprën penale të “Kontrabandës me mallra të tjerë” dhe “Falsifikimit të Formularëve”, të parashikuara nga nenet 174, 190/1 të K. Penal, në ngarkim të shtetasit Mihal Delijorgji.
Nga hetimet paraprake ka rezultuar se:
I pandehuri Mihal Delijorgji është banor i qytetit të Tiranës dhe është administrator i Subjektit “Përparimi SA”, e cila kryen aktivitet tregtar në përpunimin dhe tregtimin e hekurit. Firma në fjalë e ka objektin e saj në Shkozet, Durrës ku është pajisur dhe nga Drejtoria e Përgjithshme e Doganave me regjimin e magazinës doganore. Firma “Përparimi” lidhjet tregtare i ka me firmën qipriote, “Felmond Trading”, e cila duhet theksuar se është bërë bashkëpronare me këtë firmë në 51 % të aksioneve të saj.
Firma “Përparimi” ka lidhje marrëveshjeje me Ministrinë e Mbrojtjes për të blerë nga kjo e fundit mbetje predhash, etj. Ata, pas kësaj kanë lidhur kontratë me firmën “Felmond”, e cila do të përpunonte skrapin dhe do të sillte në këmbim të këtij malli për firmën “Përparimi”, hekur produkt të gatshëm. Në bazë të dispozitave të Kodit Doganor, i pandehuri Mihal Delijorgji ka bërë kërkesë dhe ka përfituar nga ana e Drejtorisë së Përgjithshme të Doganave Autorizimin nr. 1591, dt. 05.03.2003, “Për Regjimin e Përpunimit Pasiv”, në lidhje me sasinë prej 1954,5 mt.
Pasi është lidhur me firmën “Felmond”, i pandehuri Mihal ka kontaktuar me pronarin e anijes KIM, deklaruesin Mark Gjinaj dhe i ka kërkuar këtij të fundit që me anijen e tij të bënte transportin e mbetjeve të predhave për në Selanik, Greqi. Të dy kanë rënë dakord për shumën e transportit, dhe më datë 07.03.2003, i pandehuri Mihal ka deklaruar në doganë, me deklaratën doganore nr.2 CE/010, eksportimin e këtij malli me anijen KIM, me kapiten deklaruesin Besnik Cami. I pandehuri ka deklaruar se destinacioni i mallit ka qenë Qipro. Siç rezulton nga hetimi, anija KIM ka shkuar jo në destinacionin e caktuar në deklaratën doganore Qipro, por në Portin e Selanikut, fakt që e pranon dhe vetë i pandehuri, i cili gjithashtu shpjegon se Qipro nuk ka metalurgji për shkrirjen e metaleve. Pasi anija KIM ka mbërritur në Portin e Selanikut, ka filluar shkarkimin e mallit dhe pas mbarimit të punës është nisur për në Portin e Volosit, sipas nevojave të saj për të ngarkuar mall tjetër.
Siç deklaron vetë i pandehuri, ky është njoftuar nga ana e firmës “Felmond” që të presë nga Italia sasinë prej 1990.66 mt hekur ndërtimi dhe se ky është produkti kompensues i sasisë së eksportuar që përmendëm më lart. Pasi i pandehuri ka kontaktuar me pronarin e anijes Eldore 1, deklaruesin Gjergj Krali dhe mbi bazë të pagesës, ky i fundit ka marrë përsipër transportin nga porti italian i Molfetes për në Durrës të mallit në llogari të firmës “Përparimi”. Anija është ankoruar në portin e Durrësit dhe më datë 24.05.2003, i pandehuri e ka deklaruar këtë sasi malli. Me deklaratën e import 7, ai ka kërkuar që ky mall të kalojë në regjimin e magazinës doganore, regjim i cili është pranuar nga ana e Degës së Doganës Durrës. I pandehuri ka kontaktuar edhe me pronarin e agjencisë “Durazzo”, deklaruesin Selim Pumi dhe ky i fundit ka marrë përsipër shkarkimin dhe transportimin e sasisë së lartpërmendur tek magazinat e firmës “Përparimi” në Shkozet, Durrës…………….


EKSKLUZIVE, thellohet skandali i firmes “EVDIN ltd” dhe “MEICO”

» Dërguar më: 21/03/2008 – 13:42
Lajme nga Arkivi
EKSKLUZIVE, Kosta Trebicka: Ju rrefej aferat shteterore te trafikut te armeve
• Datë: Mar 20, 2008
EKSKLUZIVE, Hidi, largimi nga Tirana dhe jeta në Ukrainë
• Datë: Sep 06, 2007
EKSKLUZIVE, Aliaj: Duka, merre Flavio Zhuniorin në kombëtare
• Datë: Aug 28, 2007
EKSKLUZIVE, Rrefehet nga qelia e burgut Lul Berisha
• Datë: Jul 29, 2007

• Faktet e publikuara vete dje nga ish-Ministri i Mbrojtjes hedhin me shume drite mbi aferen e kesaj ministrie e cila ka perdorur si ndermjetese “EVDIN Ltd”, qe rezulton nje firme fantazme

Zbulohet afera e firmes fantazme me emrin “EVDIN Ltd” me Ministrine e Mbrojtjes per tregetine e armeve. Faktet e publikuara vete dje nga ish-Ministri i Mbrojtjes hedhin me shume drite mbi aferen e kesaj ministrie e cila ka perdorur si ndermjetese te kompanise amerikane “AEY” pikerisht “EVDIN Ltd”, qe nga investigimet tona rezulton nje firme fantazme. Nuk eshte e veshtitre te sigurosh te dhenat per kete kompani, pasi marrim ne dore documentin e ofruar nga ministria e Mbrojtjes.

Qe nga faqja zyrtate e “EVDIN ltd” ne internet shihen qarte parregullsite e para. Ja pikerisht ne kete faqe, e cila


Mit solchen windigen Papieren einer Fake Firma, werden die Schmuggler Geschaefte abgewickelt und das funktioniert nur mit Hilfe der Politik

Fishekë drejt Afganistanit të blerë nga firma fantazmë

‚Double Identity‘ Claim For Bulgaria Minister

‚Double Identity‘ Claim For Bulgaria Minister

19 March 2008

Sofia _ Bulgaria Deputy Foreign Minister Feim Chaoushev has been accused of using two first names, one for businesses and another for political activities, local media reported.

The official identification card carries his name as Petar Yuriev Chaoushev, whereas he is publicly known as Feim Yuseinov Chaoushev.

The latter name enabled him to become Deputy Foreign Minister from the quota assigned to Bulgaria’s Turkish minority in parliament. He comes from the ethnic Turkish Movement for Rights and Freedoms.

Bulgarian Tema Magazine alleges that Chaoushev was a member of the governing board of the Dyuni Black Sea Resort, and that he articipated in two real estate companies as Petar Chaoushev and in violation of his civil servant status.

In a telephone interview from Maldives Tuesday where he was on an official visit, Chaoushev told the national television channel that he had a document from the Losenetz Municipality in Sofia confirming that both Petar and Feim Chaoushev were the same person. He said it was legal.

The magazine’s investigation also revealed that Chaoushev, under the name Petar, worked in Bulgaria’s diplomatic bureau in Berlin at the time of the sale of the building of Bulgaria’s General Consulate in former West Berlin, which caused a scandal in 1994. He had allegedly backed the deal.

Under the Ahtisaari plan [!!!!?] New army-like Security Force for Kosovo.

Bush OKs supplying arms to Kosovo

Global Research, March 20, 2008

WASHINGTON (AFP) – President George W. Bush authorized Wednesday supplying Kosovo with weapons, signaling the establishment of government-to-government relations after recognizing its independence, the White House said.
In a memo to the State Department made public by the White House, Bush said: „I hereby find that the furnishing of defense articles and defense services to Kosovo will strengthen the security of the United States and promote world peace.“

A senior official said the authorization followed US recognition of Kosovo’s independence and was part of the normal process of establishing relations with a new government.

In a comment apparently meant to allay concerns from Serbia and its ally Russia, the official stressed the military restrictions imposed on Kosovo under a plan by former UN special envoy for Kosovo Martti Ahtisaari.

Under the Ahtisaari plan [!!!!?] , which is the basis for Kosovo’s supervised independence, Kosovo is allowed a lightly armed 2,500-person security force under NATO oversight and training. …………….

Kosovo Welcomes US Military Aid

20 March 2008 Pristina _ Kosovo’s leaders welcomed a decision by the United States‘ President to send military aid to the territory but refused to reveal what kind of weapons they will be supplied with.

Both President Fatmir Sejdiu and Prime Minister, Hashim Thaci said the U.S. military assistance is an important milestone in the new history of Kosovo but refrained from explaining what weapons Kosovo will have.

“The cooperation between the U.S. and Kosovo has not ended with independence,” Sejdiu told media, adding “it will continue in the future”.

Thaci, also greeted the U.S. decision but did not specify from when the military aid will arrive in Kosovo.

Under the blueprint devised by Martti Ahtisaari, the former United Nations special envoy who drew up the plans for Kosovo’s ’supervised independence,‘ the current Kosovo Protection Corp is to be transformed into a new army-like Security Force for Kosovo.

Serbia PM Slams Kosovo Military Aid

20 March 2008 Belgrade _ Serbia’s caretaker prime minister described a decision by the United States‘ President to send military aid to Kosovo as ‚utterly wrong‘ and aimed at creating a NATO puppet state in the region.

„This is the latest and ‚utterly wrong‘ U.S. move that came after illegal recognition of Kosovo’s unilaterally declared independence,” Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica said in an interview with the Vecernje Novosti daily.

In a presidential statement posted on the White House’s official Web site late Wednesday, Bush said Kosovo was eligible “to receive defence articles and defence services under the Foreign Assistance Act and the Arms Export Control Act.”

In his decree, Bush said military assistance to Kosovo „will strengthen the security of the United States and promote world peace.“ …………


Serben gehen gegen UN-Besatzer vor / Okkupanten müssen Armee einsetzen

Kosovo: Offener Widerstand in Kosovska Mitrovica

Serben gehen gegen UN-Besatzer vor / Okkupanten müssen Armee einsetzen

Von Dragana Mihailović

Nach dem brutalen Vorgehen der Besatzer gegen ein Gericht in Kosovska Mitrovica ist der Widerstand in dem früher zum Kosovo gehörenden Gebiet vollständig eskaliert. Am Montagmorgen waren bei einer Gefangenenbefreiung rund 40 Geiseln aus der Haft der Besatzungstruppen befreit worden. Bei anschließenden Unruhen konnte die UN-“Polizei“ zum Rückzug gezwungen werden, die Besatzungsverwaltung antwortete mit der Entsendung von Militäreinheiten. Die Behörden der Region forderten die Okkupanten mittlerweile zum Abzug auf.

Besatzungsverwaltung in Pristina

Die Auseinandersetzungen waren eskaliert, nachdem die UN-“Polizei“ am Montag gegen ein von Serben besetztes Gericht im Nordteil der Stadt Kosovska Mitrovica vorgegangen war. Die von Serben bewohnte Stadthälfte gehörte bislang zur de juro serbischen Provinz Kosovo. Nach der Unabhängigkeit des Landes hatten sich die verbliebenen serbischen Enklaven praktisch vom Kosovo abgespalten und die bereits zuvor existierende Union der serbischen Distrikte praktisch als eigenständiges Herrschaftsgebiet etabliert. Sie fordern den Anschluß an Serbien. Der serbische Kosovo-Minister Slobodan Samardzic hat mittlerweile seinen Sitz in der Stadt genommen.

Das Vorgehen der Besatzer kommt nicht von ungefähr. War doch das Gerichtsgebäude bereits seit der Unabhängigkeit der albanisch besiedelten Mehrheitsgebiete Kosovos von den bisherigen Justizangestellten besetzt. Serbische Beobachter vermuten jedoch, daß die Räumung bewußt auf den vierten Jahrestag von albanischen Exzessen gegen serbische Klöster in der damaligen de jure-Provinz gelegt wurden. Einen Beleg für diese These gibt es hingegen nicht.

Allerdings hatte sich die Situation in Kosovska Mitrovica bereits in den vergangenen Tagen hochgeschraubt. Nach der Räumung des Gerichtsgebäudes hatten Anhänger des serbischen Widerstands die UN-Besatzer massiv attackiert und 40 Geiseln aus der Haft befreit. Laut Agenturberichten wurden die Besatzungskräfte mit Steinen und Brandsätzen attackiert, während sich die Geiseln nicht zur Wehr setzten. Die UN-“Polizei“ ist in den Gebieten der serbischen Union bereits seit der Unabhängigkeit von Albanisch-Kosovo geschwächt. So hatte die EU etwa ihre albanischen Mitarbeiter aus der Region abgezogen – was Beobachter zeitweise zu der Vermutung veranlaßt, die Besatzer wollten die Abspaltung der serbischen Siedlungsgebiete tolerieren.

Nach den Geiselbefreiung war es in Kosovska Mitrovica zu stundenlangen Angriffen auf die Besatzer gekommen. Im Ergebnis mußte die Besatzerpolizei ihre Stellungen im nördlichen Stadtteil aufgeben. Statt dessen zogen am Nachmittag Okkupationstruppen durch die Straßen. Mindestens 80 Serben und 35 Besatzer – Polen und Ukraine – wurden bei den Auseinandersetzungen verletzt, so Angaben der Kfor und örtlicher Krankenhäuser. Bis zum Abend war es dem Truppen gelungen, die Situation in der Stadt weitgehend unter Kontrolle zu bekommen.

Von Ruhe kann dagegen kaum die Rede sein. …….Der zu seiner Partei DSS gehörende Staatssekretär im Kosovo-Ministerium, Dusan Proroković, beschuldigte die Besatzer mittlerweile, verschiedene Standards für die Albaner und Serben zu setzen. Damit spielte er auf die provokante Formel „Standards vor Status“ an, mit der die Okkupanten seit 1999 ihre Politik im Kosovo rechtfertigten.

Diese Freunde zeigten sich derweil siegestrunken. Es wurde erstmals auf Kfor-Soldaten geschossen und dies werde er kein weiteres Mal dulden, so der Unmik-Chef Joachim Rücker, der sein Handwerk u.a. bis 1993 als außenpolitischer Berater der SPD-Bundestagsfraktion lernte. Die selbst von Beginn an mit Schußwaffen ausgerüstete Kfor könnte „hart durchgreifen“ hieß es aus Kreisen der Besatzer. ……
Immerhin sahen sich die Okkupanten am Abend zur Freilassung der noch in ihrer Geiselhaft befindlichen Ex-Besetzer des Gerichtsgebäudes genötigt. Nach Meldungen serbischer Agenturen versicherten sich die UN-Truppen zudem der Hubschrauberunterstützung, als sie die serbische Fahne von Gebäude des geräumten Gerichts holten.

Veröffentlicht: 18. März 2008

 Berliner Umschau


NATO Politik: Mafia Staat, durch erfolgreiche Mord Progrome und Ethnische Säuberungen in 2004 

Was soll das denn für eine Politik sein? Auf jeden Fall, haben die Verbrecher Banden der NATO, EU (vor allem die korrupten Deutschen Politiker, mit ihrer Mafia Aufbau Politik durch Fake Projekte) und die USA sowieso, jede Glaubwürdigkeit verloren.



Vor vier Jahren erfolgte die Wende in der Politik der internationalen Gemeinschaft

Besonders erzürnt geben sich Kostunica und andere serbische Politiker über das Datum des Angriffs auf das besetzte Gerichtsgebäude. Am Montag jährten sich zum vierten Mal die anti-serbischen Pogrome albanischer Nationalisten vom 17. März 2004 ([local] Der Kosovo-Konflikt ist noch lange nicht gelöst). Damals griffen nach [extern] Schätzung der Menschenrechtsorganisation Human Rights Watch über 50.000 albanische Gewalttäter in einer koordinierten Aktion die serbischen Siedlungsenklaven im Kosovo an. Neunzehn Menschen kamen während dieser Gewaltausbrüche ums Leben. Mindestens 550 Häuser und 27 orthodoxe Kirchen und Klöster – teilweise mittelalterliche Baudenkmäler – wurden niedergebrannt und ungefähr 4100 Serben, Roma und Ashkali wurden aus ihren Häusern und Orten vertrieben.

Während Human Rights Watch und andere Menschenrechtsorganisationen Kfor und UNMIK vorwerfen, im März 2004 beim Schutz von Serben und anderen Minderheiten „auf erschütternde Weise versagt“ zu haben, markieren die Unruhen aus heutiger Perspektive eine entscheidende die Wende in der Politik der internationalen Gemeinschaft. Bis zum März 2004 verfolgte UNMIK unter dem Motto [extern] Standards vor Status den Stufenplan, zuerst die menschenrechtlichen, ökonomischen und rechtsstaatlichen Voraussetzungen zu schaffen und erst dann über einen neuen völkerrechtlichen Status des Kosovos zu entscheiden.

Nach den Unruhen der albanischen Extremisten vom März 2004, die sich auch gegen UNMIK und Kfor wendeten, wurde die Politik dann umgekehrt. Das von der US-Regierung finanzierte Forschungsinstitut [extern] Freedom House stellt in ihrem kürzlich erstellten [extern] Jahresbericht treffend fest:

During the course of 2004–2005, fears that extremists would begin attacking international forces in Kosovo led UNMIK to abandon its „standards before status“ policy, under which Kosovo’s future status would be determined only after its political leadership and society as a whole had achieved certain standards regarding human rights and political and civil liberties, particularly in the areas of democratization, rule of law, respect for minority rights, and respect for the security of neighboring states. After the March 2004 violence, the new policy officially became „status with standards,“ but it was soon clear that the international community had decided to proceed with determining Kosovo’s final status regardless of the human rights

Waffen Einsatz der Besatzungs SS – UN am 4. Gedenk Tag für die Kosovo Mord Progrome 2004

Eine Folge, der kriminellen Energie Deutscher Politiker, weil sie im Kosovo Geschäfte machen wollen, bzw. diese Geschäfte legalisieren wollen und vor allem hohe Geldsummen bei einer angeblichen Aufbau Hilfe unterschlagen wollen, in Zusammen Arbeit mit den bekannten Kosovaren Mafia Clans, welche sich halt nun Politiker nennen.

Viele Serben wurden in Mitrovica mit Schuss Verletzungen eingeliefert und festgenommene Serbische Frauen, wurden in sehr erniedrigender Weise durch männliche UN Beamte abgesucht. In Deutschland werden die wahren Vorgänge, durch die Medien Manipulationen tod geschwiegen und verdreht.

In Englisch

MITROVICA, Kosovo (AP) — U.N. special police backed by NATO troops stormed a U.N. courthouse in northern Kosovo on Monday, evicting Serb demonstrators who have occupied the building since last week to protest Kosovo’s declaration of independence.


Hintergrund war eine heutige Gedenk Feier der Mord Progrome und Ethnischen Säuberungen 2004 im Kosovo, wo sich die Bundeswehr auf Befehl der Politischen Führung im Kosovo feige zurück zog (als einzige Militär Einheit im Kosovo der KFOR), weil es Politiker so wünschten und dadurch auch der Bischofs Sitz in Prizren geplündert und gebranschatzt wurde.

Irgendwann kann sich mit Sicherheit kein Einheimischer mehr, diese Faschistischen Verbrecher Organisationen im Kosovo der EU, UN und NATO gefallen lassen und jetzt wird scharf zurück geschossen!

Die Völkerrechts widrige Anerkennung von einem Mafia Staat Kosovo, wo alle Rechte der Serben missachtet wurden und ebenso das Völkerrecht, führt nun wie vorher gesehen zu dieser Eskalation.

Die Völkerrechtswidrige Besatzung und das Terror Regime der bekanntesten Mord und Drogen Banden, welche mit Hilfe krimineller Deutscher Politiker errichtet wurde, destabilisiert den gesamten Balkan. Die kriminellen und illegalen Geschäfte Deutscher krimineller Strukturen, welche inzwischen über eine Milliarde € in die eigenen Taschen verschwinden haben lassen führt nun zu einem Aufstand gegen diese kriminellen Banden.

Vor allem hat der Kosovo inzwischen ebenso die höchsten Lebensmittel Preise in Europa, was zu einer weiteren Eskalation führt, weil Deutsche Politiker eng aus rein geschäftlichen Gründen mit den allseits bekanntesten und übelsten Mafia Clans im Kosovo zusammen arbeiten.

Lage im Norden des Kosovo eskaliert
Mo Mrz 17, 2008 1:05 MESZ

Mitrovica (Reuters) – Der Konflikt zwischen der serbischen Minderheit im Kosovo und den internationalen Sicherheitskräften ist eskaliert.

UN-Polizisten und Nato-Soldaten lieferten sich am Montag heftige Straßenschlachten um ein Gerichtsgebäude in Mitrovica. Während der Zusammenstöße wurden Nato-Truppen aus automatischen Waffen beschossen, wie ein französischer Sprecher ohne Einzelheiten mitteilte. Die Vereinten Nationen wiesen ihre Polizisten schließlich an, sich aus der Stadt zurückzuziehen. Die serbische Enklave Mitrovica liegt im Norden des überwiegend von Albanern bewohnten Kosovo.

Die schlimmsten Gewalttätigkeiten seit der Unabhängigkeits-Erklärung des Kosovo im Februar hatten sich an dem Versuch von UN und Nato entzündet, das von Serben vorige Woche besetzte Gerichtsgebäude zu räumen. Die Sicherheitskräfte setzten Tränengas gegen Steine und Feuerwerkskörper werfende Demonstranten ein. Autos gingen in Flammen auf, mehrere Polizisten und Soldaten wurden bei einer Explosion verletzt. Acht französische Soldaten hätten durch Granaten, Steine und Brandsätze Verletzungen erlitten, sagte ein Sprecher. Sie seien aber nicht in Lebensgefahr.

Im Kosovo leben unter den zwei Millionen Albanern etwa 120.000 Serben, die sich erbittert gegen die Unabhängigkeit der einstigen serbischen Provinz wehren. Die jüngsten Unruhen flackerten am vierten Jahrestag anti-serbischer Ausschreitungen auf, bei denen 19 Menschen getötet sowie Hunderte Häuser und Kirchen von Serben in Brand gesteckt worden waren. Die damaligen Unruhen hatten die Nato-Truppen unvorbereitet getroffen.

– von Branislav Krstic –
Die UN-Polizei hat das Feld geräumt. Die Polizisten seien angewiesen worden, Mitrovica zu verlassen, teilte ein Sprecher der Weltorganisation mit.

Ein französischer Nato-Sprecher berichtete ergänzend, Soldaten des Bündnisses seien im Norden mit automatischen Waffen beschossen worden. Auslöser war die Räumung eines UN-Gerichtsgebäudes in Kosovska Mitrovica, das seit Freitag von serbischen Demonstranten besetzt gehalten wurde. Die Lage sei gespannt, sagte ein Polizeisprecher.


KOSOVO Serben beschiessen Konvoi, UN-Polizei räumt Mitrovica

Eine Polizeieinheit aus UNMIK und der internationalen Schutztruppe KFOR hat am heutigen Montagmorgen das Kreisgericht in Mitrovica im Norden des Kosovo gestürmt. Mehrere Hundert serbische Demonstranten hatten das Gebäude am vergangenen Freitag besetzt. Der Zwischenfall könnte den Auftakt zu weiteren Gewaltaktionen bedeuten. Bewaffnete Extremisten streben die Wiederangliederung an Serbien an.


Spiegel mit Video

17.03.2008 12:38
Kosovo-Unruhen: Tadic appelliert an UNO-Polizei

Kleine Zeitung:

Beschossen. Die UNO-Polizei und die Angehörigen der internationalen Schutztruppe KFOR seien laut Elshani beschossen worden, unter anderem auch mit Automatik-Waffen. Das Personal der UNO-Verwaltung UNMIK, die UNO-Polizei und die Kosovo-Polizei haben dann den von Serben bewohnten Nordteil der Stadt unterdessen verlassen, die Kontrolle wurde von der internationalen Schutztruppe KFOR übernommen.

70 Demonstranten. In das Krankenhaus in Nord-Mitrovica wurden auch über 70 serbische Demonstranten aufgenommen. 15 von ihnen sollen schwere Verletzungen, zum Teil Schusswunden, erlitten haben. Ein serbischer Polizist, der in Lebensgefahr schwebt, wurde unterdessen nach Belgrad transportiert.

Kleine Zeitung