US Senat: The Kosovo Liberation Army: Does Clinton Policy Support Group with Terror, Drug Ties?

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March 31, 1999
The Kosovo Liberation Army: Does Clinton Policy Support Group with Terror, Drug Ties?
From ‚Terrorists‘ to ‚Partners‘

On March 24, 1999, NATO initiated air attacks on Yugoslavia (a federation of two republics, Serbia and Montenegro) in order to impose a peace agreement in the Serbian province of Kosovo, which has an ethnic Albanian majority. The Clinton Administration has not formally withdrawn its standing insistence that Belgrade sign the peace agreement, which would entail the deployment in Kosovo of some 28,000 NATO ground troops — including 4,000 Americans — to police the settlement. But in recent days the Clinton public line has shifted to a demand that Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic halt the offensive he has launched in Kosovo, which has led to a growing humanitarian crisis in the region, before there can be a stop to the bombing campaign.

One week into the bombing campaign, there is widespread discussion of options for further actions. One option includes forging a closer relationship between the United States and a controversial group, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), a group which has been cited in unofficial reports for alleged ties to drug cartels and Islamic terrorist organizations. This paper will examine those allegations in the context of the currently unfolding air campaign.

Results of Week One

The air assault is a product of a Clinton policy, which for months has been directed toward intervention in Kosovo, in either the form of the use of air power or of the introduction of a peacekeeping ground force — or of air power followed by a ground force. [For details on the turbulent history of Kosovo and of the direction of Clinton policy leading to the current air campaign, see: RPC’s „Senate to Vote Today on Preventing Funding of Military Operations in Kosovo: Airstrikes Likely This Week,“ 3/23/99; „Bombing, or Ground Troops — or Both: Clinton Kosovo Intervention Appears Imminent,“ 2/22/99; and „Bosnia II: The Clinton Administration Sets Course for NATO Intervention in Kosovo,“ 8/12/98.] Just hours before the first bombs fell, the Senate voted 58 to 41 (with 38 Republicans voting in the negative) to authorize air and missile strikes against Yugoslavia (S. Con. Res. 21). The Senate then approved by voice vote a second resolution expressing support for members of the U.S. Armed Forces engaged in military operations against Yugoslavia (S. Res. 74).

Prior to the air campaign, the stated goal of Clinton policy, as noted above, was Belgrade’s acceptance of the peace agreement signed by the Kosovo Albanian delegation (which included representatives of the KLA) on March 17. Now, more than a week into the air campaign, that goal appears even more elusive as the NATO attack has rallied Serbian resistance to what they see as an unjustified foreign aggression.

Since the NATO bombing campaign began, Serbian security forces also have intensified an offensive in Kosovo that began as the airstrikes appeared inevitable. According to numerous media reports, tens of thousands of Albanians are fleeing the Serb army, and police forces and paramilitary groups that, based on credible allegations, are committing widespread atrocities, including summary executions, burnings of Albanian villages, and assassination of human rights activists and community leaders. Allied officials have denounced the apparently deliberate forced exodus of Albanian civilians as ethnic cleansing and even genocide. But according to some refugee accounts, the NATO bombing is also a factor in the exodus: „[M]ost residents of the provincial capital say they are leaving of their own accord and are not being forced out at gunpoint, as residents of several western cities and villages in Kosovo say has been happening to them. . . . Pristina residents who made it to Macedonia said their city is still largely intact, despite the targeting of ethnic Albanian businesses by Serbian gangs and several direct hits from NATO air strikes in the city center“ [„Cause of Kosovar Exodus from Pristina Disputed: Serbs Are Forcing Exit, Some Claim; Others Go on Own,“ Washington Times, 3/31/99].

At the same time, the Clinton Administration, consistent with its track record on Kosovo, has ignored credible but unconfirmed evidence from sources not connected to Milosevic’s Serbian government that the NATO campaign has resulted in far more civilian damage than has been acknowledged.

Making Things Worse?

……… ‚We condemn very strongly terrorist actions in Kosovo. The UCK is, without any questions, a terrorist group,‘ Gelbard said.“ [Agence France Presse, 2/23/98]

Mr. Gelbard’s remarks came just before a KLA attack on a Serbian police station led to a retaliation that left dozens of Albanians dead, leading in turn to a rapid escalation of the cycle of violence. Responding to criticism that his earlier remarks might have been seen as Washington’s „green light“ to Belgrade that a crack-down on the KLA would be acceptable, Mr. Gelbard offered to clarify to the House Committee on International Relations:

„Questioned by lawmakers today on whether he still considered the group a terrorist organization, Mr. Gelbard said that while it has committed ‚terrorist acts,‘ it has ’not been classified legally by the U.S. Government as a terrorist organization.‘ “ [New York Times, 3/13/98]

The situation in Kosovo has since been transformed: what were once sporadic cases of KLA attacks and often heavy-handed and indiscriminate Serbian responses has now become a full-scale guerrilla war. That development appeared to be a vindication of what may have been the KLA’s strategy of escalating the level of violence to the point where outside intervention would become a distinct possibility. Given the military imbalance, there is reason to believe the KLA — which is now calling for the introduction of NATO ground troops into Kosovo [Associated Press, 3/27/99] — may have always expected to achieve its goals less because of the group’s own prospects for military success than because of a hoped-for outside intervention: As one fighter put it, „We hope that NATO will intervene, like it did in Bosnia, to save us“ [„Both Sides in the Kosovo Conflict Seem Determined to Ignore Reality,“ New York Times, 6/22/98].

…………..Iranian arms shipments to Bosnia: The Clinton Administration concealed its active cooperation with the Iranians for arms shipments to the Muslim fundamentalist regime of Alija Izetbegovic in Bosnia in violation of the United Nations arms embargo on the former Yugoslavia. [For details on the Clinton Administration’s active connivance with the Iranians, see RPC’s „Clinton-Approved Iranian Arms Transfers Help Turn Bosnia into Militant Islamic Base,“ 1/16/97.] This track record undermines the Clinton Administration’s insistence that Russia, as a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, is obligated to observe the same embargo with respect to Serbia [as stated by State Department spokesman James Rubin, daily briefing, March 24, 1999].

Eradication of the Serbs in Krajina: The Clinton Administration has stalled efforts to investigate what has been called the „biggest ethnic cleansing“ of the Balkan wars, one which the Clinton Administration may itself have helped to facilitate:

„Investigators at the international war crimes tribunal in The Hague have concluded that the Croatian Army carried out summary executions, indiscriminate shelling of civilian populations and ‚ethnic cleansing‘ during a 1995 assault that was a turning point in the Balkan wars, according to tribunal documents. The investigators have recommended that three Croatian generals be indicted, and an American official said this week that the indictments could come within a few weeks. . . . Any indictment of Croatian Army generals could prove politically troublesome for the Clinton Administration, which has a delicate relationship with Croatia, an American ally in preserving the peace in Bosnia with a poor human rights record. The August 1995 Croatian offensive, which drove some 100,000 Serbs from a large swath of Croatia over four days, was carried out with the tacit blessing of the United States by a Croatian Army that had been schooled in part by a group of retired American military officers. Questions still remain about the full extent of United States involvement. In the course of the three-year investigation into the assault, the United States has failed to provide critical evidence requested by the tribunal, according to tribunal documents and officials, adding to suspicion among some there that Washington is uneasy about the investigation. Two senior Canadian military officers, for example, who were in Croatia during the offensive, testified that the assault, in which some 3,000 shells rained down on the city of Knin over 48 hours, was indiscriminate and targeted civilians. . . . A section of the tribunal’s 150-page report is headed: ‚The Indictment. Operation Storm, A Prima Facie Case.‘: ‚During the course of the military offensive, the Croatian armed forces and special police committed numerous violations of international humanitarian law, including but not limited to, shelling of Knin and other cities,‘ the report says. ‚During, and in the 100 days following the military offensive, at least 150 Serb civilians were summarily executed, and many hundreds disappeared.‘ The crimes also included looting and burning, the report says.“ [„War Crimes Panel Finds Croat Troops ‚Cleansed‘ the Serbs,“ New York Times, 3/21/99]

………..Reports on KLA Drug and Criminal Links

Elements informally known as the „Albanian mafia,“ composed largely of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo, have for several years been a feature of the criminal underworld in a number of cities in Europe and North America; they have been particularly prominent in the trade in illegal narcotics. [See, for example,“The Albanian Cartel: Filling the Crime Void,“ Jane’s Intelligence Review, November 1995.] The cities where the Albanian cartels are located are also fertile ground for fundraising for support of the Albanian cause in Kosovo. [See, for example, „Albanians in Exile Send Millions of Dollars to Support the KLA,“ BBC, 3/12/99.]

The reported link between drug activities and arms purchases for anti-Serb Albanian forces in Kosovo predates the formation of the KLA, and indeed, may be seen as a key resource that allowed the KLA to establish itself as a force in the first place:

„Narcotics smuggling has become a prime source of financing for civil wars already under way — or rapidly brewing — in southern Europe and the eastern Mediterranean, according to a report issued here this week. The report, by the Paris-based Observatoire Geopolitique des Drogues, or Geopolitical Observatory of Drugs, identifies belligerents in the former Yugoslav republics and Turkey as key players in the region’s accelerating drugs-for-arms traffic. Albanian nationalists in ethnically tense Macedonia and the Serbian province of Kosovo have built a vast heroin network, ……… The most powerful groups in the country are organized criminals who use Albania to grow, process, and store a large percentage of the illegal drugs destined for Western Europe. . . . Albania’s criminal gangs are actively supporting the war in Kosovo. ……..“ [„Life in the Balkan ‚Tinderbox‘ Remains as Dangerous as Ever,“ Jane’s Intelligence Review, 3/1/99]

„Drugs traffickers in Italy, in Germany, in Spain, in France, and in Norway: Kosovo Albanians. The men from the Special Operations Section [ROS] of the carabinieri [i.e., Italian national police], under the leadership of General Mario Mori, have succeeded in neutralizing a fully fledged network of Albanian drugs traffickers. The leader of this network is a certain Gashi Agim, aged 33, originally from Pristina, ……… . . Drugs, arms, and the Koran: Could this be the murderous crime mix of the next few years?“ [„Albanian Mafia, This Is How It Helps The Kosovo Guerrilla Fighters,“ Corriere della Sera (Milan, Italy), 10/15/98]

…… Another separate group of Egyptians with links to Calabrian and Albanian gangs were arrested on suspicions of laundering money through Switzerland for use by fundamentalists in Egypt.“ [„Major Italian Drug Bust Breaks Kosovo Arms Trafficking,“ Agence France-Presse, 6/9/98]

„The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) has claimed responsibility for more than 50 attacks on Serbs and Albanians loyal to the Belgrade government, but little is known about the separatist group. . . . Details of the KLA, which the United States calls a terrorist organization, are sketchy at best. Western intelligence sources believe there are no more than several hundred members under arms with military training. Serbian police estimate there are at least 2,000 well-armed men. The KLA is said to rely heavily on a huge network of informers and sympathizers, enabling it to blend easily among the population. The Western sources also believe the core of the organization consists of Albanians who fled into exile in the 1970s and based their operation in Switzerland, where its funding is gathered from all over the world. ‚If the West wants to nip the KLA in the bud, all it has to do is crack down on its financial nerve center in Switzerland,‘ one source said. Part of the funding, this source believes, comes from the powerful Albanian mafia organizations that deal in narcotics, prostitution and arms smuggling across Europe. The KLA has admitted having training bases in northern Albania, which the Albanian government does not condone but is powerless to stop.“ [„Speculation Plentiful, Facts Few About Kosovo Separatist Group,“ Baltimore Sun, 3/6/98]

„The bulk of the financing of the UCK [KLA] seems to originate from two sources: drug-related operations and Kosovo Albanian emigres in the West. The former Yugoslavia has always been on the main European drug transit route. With the break-up of that country, the route has been somewhat modified; West-Europe-bound narcotics now enter Macedonia and Albania and are then distributed towards Western Europe through Kosovo, Montenegro, Bosnia, and Croatia.“ [Jane’s Intelligence Review, „Another Balkans Bloodbath? — Part One,“ 2/1/98]

………“ [„The Balkan Medellin,“ Jane’s 3/1/95; Albanian then-president Berisha lost power in 1997 and is now a known KLA patron in northern Albania.]

Reports on Islamic Terror Links

The KLA’s main staging area is in the vicinity of the town of Tropoje in northern Albania [Jane’s International Defense Review, 2/1/99]. Tropoje, the hometown and current base of former Albanian president Sali Berisha, a major KLA patron, is also a known center for Islamic terrorists connected with Saudi renegade Osama bin-Ladin. [For a report on the presence of bin-Ladin assets in Tropoje and connections to anti-American Islamic terrorism, see „U.S. Blasts‘ Possible Mideast Ties: Alleged Terrorists Investigated in Albania, Washington Post, 8/12/98.]

The following reports note the presence of foreign mujahedin (i.e., Islamic holy warriors) in the Kosovo war, some of them jihad veterans from Bosnia, Chechnya, and Afghanistan. Some of the reports specifically cite assets of Iran or bin-Ladin, or both, in support of the KLA. To some, „mujahedin“ does not necessarily equal „terrorists.“ But since the foreign fighters have not been considerate enough to provide an organizational chart detailing the exact relationship among the various groups, the reported presence of foreign fighters together with known terrorists in the KLA’s stronghold at least raises serious questions about the implications for the Clinton Administration’s increasingly close ties to the KLA:

„Serbian officials say Mujahideen have formed groups that remained behind in Bosnia. Groups from Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Chechnya are also involved in Albanian guerrilla operations. A document found on the body of Alija Rabic, an Albanian UCK member killed in a border crossing incident last July, indicated he was guiding a 50-man group from Albania into Kosovo. The group included one Yemeni and 16 Saudis, six of whom bore passports with Macedonian Albanian names. Other UCK rebels killed crossing the Albanian frontier have carried Bosnian Muslim Federation papers.“ [Jane’s International Defense Review, „Unhealthy Climate in Kosovo as Guerrillas Gear Up for a Summer Confrontation,“ 2/1/99]

Mujahidin fighters have joined the Kosovo Liberation Army, dimming prospects of a peaceful solution to the conflict and fuelling fears of heightened violence next spring.. . . . Their arrival in Kosovo may force Washington to review its policy in the Serbian province and will deepen Western dismay with the KLA and its tactics. . . . ‚Captain Dula‘, the local KLA commander, was clearly embarrassed at the unexpected presence of foreign journalists and said that he had little idea who was sending the Mujahidin or where they came from; only that it was neither Kosovo nor Albania. ‚I’ve got no information about them,‘ Captain Dula said. ‚We don’t talk about it.‘ . . . American diplomats in the region, especially Robert Gelbard, the special envoy, have often expressed fears of an Islamic hardline infiltration into the Kosovo independence movement. . . . American intelligence has raised the possibility of a link between Osama bin Laden, the Saudi expatriate blamed for the bombing in August of US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, and the KLA. Several of Bin Laden’s supporters were arrested in Tirana, the Albanian capital, and deported this summer, and the chaotic conditions in the country have allowed Muslim extremists to settle there, often under the guise of humanitarian workers. . . . ‚I interviewed one guy from Saudi Arabia who said that it was his eighth jihad,‘ a Dutch journalist said.“ [„U.S. Alarmed as Mujahidin Join Kosovo Rebels,“ The Times (London), 11/26/98]

…… . [B]y early December 1997, Iranian intelligence had already delivered the first shipments of hand grenades, machine-guns, assault rifles, night vision equipment, and communications gear from stockpiles in Albania into Kosovo. The mere fact that the Iranians could despatch the first supplies within a few days and in absolute secrecy reflect extensive advance preparations made in Albania in anticipation for such instructions from Tehran. Moreover, the Iranians began sending promising Albanian and UCK commanders for advanced military training in al-Quds [special] forces and IRGC camps in Iran. ………“ [„Italy Becomes Iran’s New Base for Terrorist Operations,“ by Yossef Bodansky, Defense and Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy (London), February 1998. Bodansky is Director of the House Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare. This report was written in late 1997, before the KLA’s offensive in early 1998.]

Top Publications Issue List Vote Analysis Main Page

Robert Gelbard, der die Kosovo UCK – KLA als Terroristische Organisation dokumentierte

Robert Gelbard

Hier der beeindruckende Lebenslauf von Gelbard

Und Senats Quellen etc.. von einem meiner alten Beiträge im PF

Nur zur historischen Aufbereitung, einige klare Aussagen aus Amerika, das die UCK-KLA eine Terror Gruppe ist. Die Verhaftungen und Verurteilungen sprechen sowieso ein klares Wort.

Aus dem US Senats Bericht über die UCK Terroristen

The UCK is, without any questions, a terrorist group,‘ Gelbard said.“

July 21, 1998

Ambassador Robert Gelbard,
Special Envoy for the Balkans,
United States Department of State
2201 C Street, N.W.,
Washington, D.C. 20520


Sunday, June 28, 1998 Published at 12:41 GMT 13:41 UK

World: Europe

The KLA – terrorists or freedom fighters?

Der Report stellt fest, das die Führungs Etage der KLA Banden eine Gruppe von Radikalen und Islamischen Extremisten ist, ebenso von Drogen SChmugglern.

In February 1998, Robert Gelbard, Clinton’s envoy for Kosovo, said that the KLA „is, without any questions, a terrorist group.“

In February 1998, Robert Gelbard, Clinton’s envoy for Kosovo, said that the KLA „is, without any questions, a terrorist group.“

Intelligence folks say Gelbard’s assessment is dead on the money. The KLA’s leadership and ranks are filled with radicals, Islamic crazies and heavy haters who are as responsible as Milosevic’s worst thugs for the catastrophe visited on the tormented people of Yugoslavia.

International cops say the KLA includes global drug dealers and arms smugglers who’ve been in bed with the Albanian Mafia for years. The lawmen report that profits from these shady deals armed the KLA and financed their guerrilla attacks on the Serbian police, military and the residents of Kosovo — terrorist assaults that along with Serbian brutality certainly helped trigger the shootout in Yugoslavia in the first place.

Once again, as with the 1990s Afghanistan War, we may find ourselves relearning the hard lesson that yesterday’s freedom fighters can easily become tomorrow’s terrorists. America has a long history of training and arming the Manuel Noriegas and Saddam Husseins only to have their soldiers kill ours when they’re no longer our favorite thugs.

So the civilian laptop commandos must stop playing Oliver North and give up on the wrongheaded idea of supporting the KLA on the sly.

Secret armies composed of wild-eyed thugs and idealistic kids don’t work. The KLA must be disarmed, or American peacekeepers will pay a price in the minefields of Kosovo.

Col. David Hackworth is co-author of the 1989 international best seller, „About Face“ and the subsequent „Brave Men.“ His latest book is „Hazardous Duty.“…hackworth.html

siehe auch

August 5, 1998

An Accomplice to War in Kosovo?
by Gary Dempsey

Gary Dempsey is a foreign policy analyst at the Cato Institute.

In its latest foreign policy scramble, the Clinton administration is trying to reverse the perception that it favors independence for Serbia’s embattled Kosovo province, where more than 300 guerrillas, policemen and civilians have been killed since February. Making its first public criticism of the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army, the Contact Group (representatives of the United States and five European nations) issued a statement recently admonishing the KLA and stressing that „violence is inadmissible and will not solve the problem of Kosovo.“ The Contact Group also announced that it will seek a United Nations Security Council resolution calling on the insurgents and the Serbian government to agree to a cease-fire.

Flirting with KLA terrorists: support is building to arm the KLA to fight against the Serbs in Kosovo, though evidence suggests it is a drug-smuggling, leftist terrorist group with plans of conquest. (World: Kosovo Liberation Army).

PF Thread 4.2.04 :

Zum vollen Editor wechseln

Diese IEP-BND Studie von 2007 ist und wird ein Hit werden.
Was dort Deutsche Poltiiker zusammen lügen und fälschen, mit hoch dotierten Gehältern ist wirklich unglaublich.

The Lies Of The Racak „Massacre“ And Other Myths Of Kosovo

Remember why NATO spent 78-days bombing Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999?


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Terroristen pure

„Turkey is already in a war“ ?

Bloggers debate pros, cons of cross-border action


The Turkish blogosphere is more or less unanimous about the country’s right to defend itself from the PKK, but some question whether a military incursion into northern Iraq is the best option.

By Ayden Ileri for Southeast European Times in Ankara – 08/06/07

photoTurkish soldiers held a military exercise this week in the town of Cizre, 10km from the Turkish-Iraqi border. [Getty Images]

Following the recent bomb blast in one of Ankara’s busiest business districts, Turkish bloggers have been debating whether the government should launch a military campaign against Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) terrorists with bases in northern Iraq.

Bloggers are nearly unanimous in calling for action to defuse the PKK threat and prevent future terrorist acts. However, some are wary of a military solution. Launching a campaign in northern Iraq, they argue, would lead to political, economic and instability in Turkey, unless supplemented by economic and political measures.

Turkey „once again responded in the best way possible“, by organising meetings and protests to demonstrate national unity, writes Saydin. „The PKK will not succeed in debilitating the strength of the Turkish nation.“

D. believes it’s important not to rush into action without careful planning and consideration of the pros and cons. „A political solution should be the first option,“ he writes. „Experts in the region should analyse the impact of a potential military campaign.“

Otherwise, he warns, „Turkey will be dragged into the current mess in Iraq, continuous war, and perpetual instability.“

According to Onurxt, Turkey is already in a war. He argues that the government possesses the capabilities to launch a military campaign in northern Iraq, but faces significant difficulties when it comes to the scope of such a campaign.

„The ultimate target is the terrorists in northern Iraq, and the purpose of a military campaign would be to destroy them,“ Onurxt writes. „The real problem is to determine exactly where to bomb.“ Besides attacking mountain bases, he asks, would the Turkish military try to enter PKK offices to detain its leaders?

„Turkey has a right to launch military campaigns outside its borders under international law,“ insists H. The country, he writes, should not forfeit that right despite warnings of the potentially adverse effects on Turkish-US ties.

However, H concludes, „War should be the last resort.“

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Gurra e Domgjonit, ujësjellësi unikal në Ballkan

Gurra e Domgjonit, ujësjellësi unikal në Ballkan

Gjergj Marku

Dalja e gurres se Domgjonit

Ndërtimi i autostradës, shpresë për „zbulimin“ e ujësjellësitUjësjellësi i lashtë karakteristik, ka një origjinalitet të pakrahasuar me tunele hepuese të nëndheshme. Sot ruhen një pjesë e atyre nëntokësore, si dhe pusi i kontrollit. Tuneli është hapur në galeri horizontale, veshur me mure anësore, kurse nga sipër mbuluar me qemer. Gjerësia e tunelit është rreth 1 m, kurse lartësia lëviz nga 80 cm deri në 1,3 m, përmasa që lejonin kalimin e njeriut me trup përkulur. Rreth 100 m nga dalja e tunelit nëntokësor (nëpër të cilin rrjedh vrullshëm uji i ftohtë e i kthjellët), është ndërtuar pusi i kontrollit, që nis me një hyrje të maskuar nga sipërfaqja e tokës. Nga kjo hyrje, për në fundin e pusit zbritet me anë të 23 shkallëve guri në formë spiraleje, të vendosura në faqet e brendshme murore të pusit. Gjerësia e pusit shkon deri 2,15 m, lartësia e pusit është 8 m, në fund është puseta e kontrollit.Ujësjellësi i Domgjonit është i vetmi i këtij lloji në vendin tonë dhe pa paralele në të gjithë Ballkanin. Së bashku me kështjellën, që në popull njihet me emrin „qytezë“, ndërtuar në antikitetin e vonë e kryesisht në shekullin VI të erës sonë, flasin për një vendbanim të rëndësishëm. Ndërtuesit kishin një traditë të shquar në punimet nëntokësore, si nxjerrës të mineraleve. Ky objekt unikal është shpallur „Monument Kulture“, por duke qenë larg dhe i izoluar nuk është rikonstruktuar dhe nuk vizitohet, siç e meriton një monument i tillë. Fakti që autostrada e re katër kalimëshme, që pritet të kalojë përmes luginës së Fanit, ndodhur në vetëm 700-800 metra larg, mendohet të jetë një nga vendet që do të bëjë kuriozë vizitorë të shumtë për aty.

Studiuesi, Nikollë Loka: Ndërtimi në kohën e Perandorit Justinian, në shekullin VI

Është një nga ujësjellësit e rrallë në Ballkan. Dallon jo vetëm për funksionin si i tillë, por dhe për arkitekturën, një monument origjinal, por jo dhe aq i vënë në vëmendjen e studiuesve tej se vendas. Me përcaktimin thjeshtë si „ujësjellës“ disa prej studiuesve vendas nuk janë aspak dakord, madje e quajnë shumë të thjeshtëzuar dhe miopi e eksploratorëve apo arkeologëve. Njëri prej tyre që e kundërshton këtë ide është studiuesi Nikollë Loka, autori i monografisë „Fani del nga muzgjet“.

Kurrsesi, jo vetëm ujësjellës, thotë ai, dhe këtë e lidh që me hershmërinë e ndërtimit, që shkon më tej legjendave që banorët e atyshëm e kanë të fiksuar në kokë. Duke kujtuar se ata banorë janë shumë të lashtë në atë vend, shumë më të lashtë sesa e pandehin veten, të ardhur nga Peja, disa shekuj më parë.

Zoti Loka, e cilësoni si një monument të rrallë, unikal në Ballkan dhe shumë të lashtë Gurrën e Domgjonit, ku e bazoni këtë?

Është e ditur dhe e pranuar se kjo gurrë, rrëzë malit të mrekullueshëm të Munellës, është quajtur si njëra prej më të rrallave në Ballkan. Kur është quajtur kështu, kanë patur parasysh se vetë kryeqyteti i Perandorisë Bizantine dhe qyteti më i mirë i asaj kohe në botë, ndodhej pikërisht në këtë gadishull. Duke marrë në konsideratë mjeshtërinë shumë të lartë të ndërtimit, ku së pari bie në sy ana arkitekturore e veprës, mendoj se duhet dalë përtej hipotezës tradicionale, se „meqenëse Domgjoni kishte nevojë për ujë, u ndërtua nga vendasit një ujësjellës për vaditje“. Në ndihmë të kësaj hipoteze, vjen edhe fakti se domgjonasit janë vërtetë muratorë të zot. Dakord, muratorë të zot, por Gurra është ujësjellësi i vjetër më i mirë i Shqipërisë dhe ndër më të mirët e Ballkanit. Kur themi kështu, kemi parasysh edhe qytete shumë të rëndësishme, si ai i Durrësit, Shkodrës, Butrintit dhe Apolonisë., duhet të kemi një hipotezë tej se një ujësjellës i strukur majë malesh?

Natyrisht. Një vepër e tillë ujësjellëse në një fshat apo qytezë të vogël, e fare pak të rëndësishme, kur Iliria ishte e mbushur me qytete të mëdha, duket disi jo e zakonshme. Edhe nëse do të ishte vërtetë kështu, atëherë ata burra arkitektë dhe muratorë të zotë do ta kishin përsëritur veprën e tyre, në një ujësjellës të dytë në Fan dhe në territoret e tjera shqiptare. Për një vepër të tillë kishin nevojë të gjitha qytetet, pa përjashtim. Gurra e famshme e Domgjonit, nuk është ndërtuar nga vendasit, por as nuk ka rënë në formën e ndonjë mrekullie atje në mes maleve, që ngërthejnë shumë histori dhe legjenda. Rrethanat ekonomiko-shoqërore na çojnë në një hipotezë më të besueshme: ishte shekulli VI, në krye të Perandorisë Bizantine kishte ardhur Justiniani i Madh ilir, i cili mbrojtjen e Ilirisë e bëri çështjen e tij personale. Në territoret ilire në atë kohë u ndërtuan dhjetëra qyteza të reja dhe u fortifikuan dhe u rindërtuan dhjetëra të tjera. Edhe qyteza e Domgjonit, e cila duhet të kishte qenë një kështjellë me mure rrethuese, brenda të cilës duhet të kishte patur kishën (aty ndodhet kisha e sotme), banesa për strehim dhe objekte të tjera, që i dhanë atributet e qytezës. Në fakt, qyteza e Domgjonit, nuk duket se është ndërtuar në pozicion kryq mbrojtës, siç janë majat e maleve, kodrave, e të tjerë, si dhe gjendej larg rrugës së njohur romake që kalonte nga Shkalla e Konajve në Batra, Qafa e Komit, për në Kukës në drejtim të Nishit. Ajo nuk është krijuar thjesht për të luftuar. Ka shumë mundësi të kishte shërbyer më shumë si rezidencë e ndonjë komandanti të shquar, i cili mund të ishte i ngarkuar me ruajtjen e rrugës shumë të rëndësishme që të çonte në Nish dhe që çuditërisht, pjesën më të vështirë e kishte nëpër territorin e Fanit, që forcat mund t’i kishte nëpër pikat e vrojtimit dhe kalatë pranë rrugës, ose mund të ishte edhe një vendstrehim për popullsinë në rast lufte, sepse ndonëse e vendosur në vend pothuajse të sheshtë dhe të papërshtatshëm për luftë, qyteza e Domgjonit, si hapësirë ofron mbrojtje të mjaftueshme; rrugët për të shkuar në Domgjon kalojnë nëpër qafa kodrash e malesh dhe nëpër grykën e lumit, nëse vihet nga Gjagza. Mbrojtja e Domgjonit nga terreni, ka qenë detyrë relativisht e lehtë.

Mund të ketë lidhje dhe me pasuritë nëntokësore që zotëron ajo zonë prej shekujsh?

Nuk përjashtohet mundësia që zyrtarë perandorakë shumë të njohur të asaj kohe, të joshur edhe nga pasuritë nëntokësore të arit dhe bakrit, kanë preferuar që të banojnë në Fan dhe duke shfrytëzuar pozitën e tyre të lartë për të ndërtuar një vendbanim model, ku ujësjellësi është vetëm ai që na ka mbetur. Dokumentet e kohës së Justinianit tregojnë se në rajonet metalmbajtëse të arit, argjendit, bakrit, etj,, ku përfshihet edhe Mirdita e sotme, ka patur nëpunës perandorakë, që merreshin me administrimin e kësaj pasurie dhe parandalimin e vjedhjeve të saj. Rrënojat e qytezës janë mermer i papërpunuar dhe gjysëm mermer, që na dëshmojnë një ndërtim luksi, që nuk e kemi as në qytetet e mëdha dhe të njohura. Meqenëse arkitektët më të mirë vinin nga kryeqyteti, projektuesit e ujësjellësit duhet të kenë ardhur prej andej, ndërsa përsa i përket bazës materiale, ndoshta dhe mjeshtërit janë gjetur në vend.

A është marrë në mbrojtje nga shteti ky monument i rrallë?

Për fat të keq, jo. Gurra e famshme e Domgjonit, e projektuar nga arkitekti perandorak, deri më sot, vetëm ka fituar cilësimin si njëri ndër objektet më të rëndësishme hidraulike të asaj kohe në Ballkan. Një vlerë e tillë, duhej të ishte marrë me kohë në mbrojtje nga shteti. Studiuesit duhet të jenë të parët që ta ngrenë zërin për këtë pasuri, jo vetëm të Mirditës, Shqipërisë dhe Ballkanit. Në guidat për Shqipërinë, si dhe në guidat e ndryshme tematike për Evropën, Mirdita pasqyrohet denjësisht me Abacinë e Oroshit dhe Manastirin e Rubikut. Gurra e famshme, monumenti shumë intrigues për studiuesit, nuk përmendet. Emri i saj duket se ndoqi fatin e ndërtuesit, ndonëse ujë i pastër kristal rrjedh e rrjedh dhe ujësjellësi i dëmtuar ngjan ende si kryevepër, që në Shqipëri nuk u pasua nga një i dytë, as në kohët e mëvonshme.


Abuzime me fondet, galeritë e reja rrezikojnë Gurrën e lashtë

Romania to boost dialogue with Russia

Romania to boost dialogue with Russia


BUCHAREST, Romania — Defence Minister Teodor Melescanu says Romania will boost dialogue with Russia to dispel concerns over the deployment of US bases in Bulgaria and Romania. In an interview with AFP on Thursday (June 7th), Melescanu suggested recent statements by Russian President Vladimir Putin were likely the result of insufficient information on the purpose of those bases. Earlier this week, Putin expressed strong concern over NATO plans to build a global anti-missile defence shield, and suggested Russia might take countermeasures.

Also Thursday, Bulgarian Foreign Minister Ivailo Kalfin said NATO should consider extending the defence system to cover all NATO member states. As of now, the system would not be able to protect Southeast Europe, he said, adding that the proposal would be discussed during US President George Bush’s upcoming visit to Bulgaria. (AFP, Xinhua, bTV, BNR – 07/06/07)

SIRI-US The Strategic Issues Research Institute of the United States: Kosovo Archiv

Index of /backgrounders/Archives_Kosovo

      Name                    Last modified       Size  Description 
[DIR] Parent Directory 04-Mar-2006 03:34 - [TXT] Alb-Am_Lobbying.html 06-Dec-2003 10:22 17k [TXT] Albania-KLA-Crime.html 06-Dec-2003 10:22 73k [TXT] Albanian supporter l..> 06-Dec-2003 10:22 164k [TXT] AlbanianAmericanPac-..> 06-Dec-2003 10:23 22k [TXT] Albanian_Mafia-in-US..> 06-Dec-2003 10:22 60k [TXT] Albright-Kosovo.html 06-Dec-2003 10:23 51k [TXT] Americans&Serbs-WW2...> 06-Dec-2003 10:23 10k [TXT] Dole-Kosovo-KLA.html 06-Dec-2003 10:23 95k [IMG] Greater_Albania-map.gif 06-Dec-2003 10:23 16k [   ] KLA-Cleansing_Minori..> 06-Dec-2003 10:23 78k [TXT] KLA-Dole-Kos-Res.150..> 06-Dec-2003 10:23 86k [TXT] KLA-Drugs.html 06-Dec-2003 10:23 171k [TXT] KLA-Ideology-Leaders..> 06-Dec-2003 10:23 139k [TXT] KLA-Osama.html 06-Dec-2003 10:23 60k [TXT] KLA-Racak-Forensics...> 06-Dec-2003 10:23 59k [TXT] KLA-Racak.html 06-Dec-2003 10:23 139k [TXT] KLA-Terror-Cleansing..> 06-Dec-2003 10:23 85k [TXT] KLA-Women.html 06-Dec-2003 10:23 46k [TXT] KLA-as-Army.html 06-Dec-2003 10:23 45k [TXT] KLA_Leaders-Who's_Wh..> 06-Dec-2003 10:23 36k [TXT] Kosovo-1980s-2.html 06-Dec-2003 10:24 160k [TXT] Kosovo-Atrocities[06..> 06-Dec-2003 10:24 99k [TXT] Kosovo-Milosevic.html 06-Dec-2003 10:24 92k [TXT] Kosovo_WashTimes2-18..> 06-Dec-2003 10:24 10k [IMG] hmpgbut.gif 06-Dec-2003 10:23 8k [IMG] sirban1.gif 06-Dec-2003 10:24 24k [IMG] sirbar1.gif 06-Dec-2003 10:24 1k [IMG] sirconbu.gif 06-Dec-2003 10:24 8k [IMG] todayiss.gif 06-Dec-2003 10:24 8k [IMG] wsj_2.gif 06-Dec-2003 10:24 26k

Benjamin Crocker Works

Benjamin Works

Executive Director

The Strategic Issues Research Institute

Arlington, VA

(703) 415-1191

Benjamin C. Works, a lightly-decorated Vietnam veteran (1969-70), serves as the executive director of the Strategic Issues Research Institute, a defense, foreign affairs and energy consultancy founded in 1990. As a broadcast analyst, Mr Works served as principal military consultant on CBS Radio Network during Operation Desert Storm (1991), the Somali relief expedition (1992-93), the Bosnian war and the Haitian intervention (1992-95). He has also appeared frequently on FoxNews (Kosovo-1999) and Court TV. During Operation Iraqi Freedom Mr. Works served as principal analyst for Germany’s ARD-1 TV network and contributed analysis for 630-WMAL in Washington DC, 680-WRKO-Boston, 1010-CFRB-Toronto and 710-KIRO-Seattle.

Mr. Works holds the Air Medal and Army Commendation Medal. He is a 1974 graduate of Yale (History of Colonialism and Imperialism) and holds an MBA (finance) from Boston University and pursued a career in international banking and investment banking from 1975-1990.

Works has been a guest lecturer in Strategy to The Naval Wargame Center at the US Naval War College, Newport, RI (1990-92); and the US Army’s John F. Kennedy Special Warfare School, Fort Bragg, North Carolina (1991-93). He has lectured at Manhattan, Queens and Baruch Colleges in New York City.

Mr. Works has been published in the Wall Street Journal and Washington Times. He has also authored an article for an anthology edited by Henry F. Carey, PhD; National Reconciliation in Eastern Europe, published by Columbia University in 2003.


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Europarat: Bericht zur CIA: Die zehn Erkenntnisse des Dick Marty

08.06.2007    12:12 Uhr Drucken  |  Versenden  |  Kontakt

Europarat: Bericht zur CIA

Die zehn Erkenntnisse des Dick Marty

Der Bericht des Europarat-Sonderermittlers Dick Marty erhebt schwere Vorwürfe gegen CIA, die USA und viele europäische Länder, darunter auch Deutschland. fasst die zehn wichtigsten Erkenntnisse zusammen.
Von Barbara Vorsamer

Dick Marty Europarat Bericht

vergrößern Sonderermittler Dick Marty erhebt schwere Vorwürfe, auch gegen Deutschland.
Foto: ap

1. Entführungen und Folter weltweit
„Was bisher nur Vorwürfe waren, ist jetzt bewiesen“: Weltweit wurde eine große Anzahl Menschen entführt und andere Länder verschleppt, wo sie verfolgt und gefoltert wurden. Dies geschah ohne konkrete Vorwürfe gegen die Verdächtigen und ohne jegliche Kontrolle durch die Justiz.

2. Keine Entschuldigung bei Fehlern
Einige der Betroffenen wurden tausende Kilometer durch die Welt transportiert und physisch und psychisch mißhandelt, um dann kommentarlos freigelassen zu werden, weil die CIA die Falschen erwischt hatte. Die Betroffenen haben bis heute weder Kompensationen noch eine Entschuldigung erhalten.

3. Kollaboration und Verschleierung
Die Amerikaner arbeiteten in ihrem Terrorkampf auf unterschiedlichen institutionellen Ebenen mit ihren Partnerländern zusammen, auch mit vielen Mitglieder des Europarats. Kaum eines davon steht bisher zu seiner Verantwortung. Statt dessen haben die kollaborierenden Staaten ihr möglichstes getan, um ihre Aktivitäten zu verbergen und weigerten sich teilweise sogar, den Fragebogen für den Bericht des Sonderermittlers zu beantworten.

4. „Legale Apartheid“
Die Entführungen und Verschleppungen sowie die Gefängnisaufenthalte und die Folter fanden ausschließlich außerhalb des amerikanischen Territoriums statt. Ebenso war kein einziger amerikanischer Staatsbürger von den Maßnahmen betroffen, die nach amerikanischen Recht zweifellos unrechtmäßig und verfassungswidrig sind. Doch auch in Europa sind die Aktionen absolut unzulässig.

Der Marty-Bericht bewertet dieses Messen nach zweierlei Maß als „legale Apartheid“ und wirft den USA Überheblichkeit vor.

5. Staatsgeheimnisse
Einige europäische Regierungen, darunter Deutschland und Italien, benutzten – und benutzen immer noch -das Konzept von „Staatsgeheimnissen“, um Geheimhaltung sogar vor Parlament und Justiz zu gewährleisten. Der Marty-Bericht fordert, dass Staatsgeheimnisse nicht zur Verschleierung von Menschenrechtsverletzungen verwendet werden dürfen und in Zukunft strengerer Kontrolle unterliegen sollen.

6. Beweise vorhanden
Für die geheimem Gefängnisse, die in Polen und Rumänien von 2003 bis 2005 existiert haben, liegen nun genügend Beweise vor. Das Ziel des HVD-Programms der CIA (HVD=high valuable detainee, zu deutsch: äußerst wichtiger Gefangener) war: „Terrorverdächtige zu töten, zu fangen und unter Verschluss zu halten“.

7. CIA direkt verantwortlich
Die geheimen Straflager in Europa wurden ausschließlich und direkt von der CIA betrieben, weswegen der Bericht dem Geheimdienst die volle Verantwortung zuweist. Lokale Angestellte hatten keinen Kontakt zu den Gefangenen und lokale Verantwortungsträger waren nicht informiert. Daraus schließt Sonderermitter Marty, dass in den betroffenen Ländern nur jeweils die höchsten Amtsträger von den Aktivitäten der CIA wussten.

8. Unter dem Dach der Nato
Die für die Errichtung der Gefangenenlager notwendigen Absprachen wurden vermutlich am Rande eines Nato-Treffens zum Terror-Kamof am 4. Oktober 2001 getroffen. Viele der Vereinbarungen werden immer noch geheim gehalten.

9. Europa zu passiv
Die internationale Staatengemeinschaft hat keine einheitliche Strategie, wie der Terror zu bekämpfen sei. Europa verhält sich diesbezüglich „tragischerweise passiv“.

10. Kontrolle der Geheimdienste
Die Geheimdienste kämpfen, so der Marty-Bericht, einen wichtigen und legitimen Kampf gegen den Terror. Dennoch argumentiert Marty stark für eine stärkere und gründlichere Kontrolle der Geheimdienste. Das Fazit: Der Zweck heiligt nicht immer die Mittel.


Der Riesen Lach Erfolg über Merkel

Der „Riesenerfolg“ von Merkel

Der „Riesenerfolg“ von Merkel

Florian Rötzer 08.06.2007

Wie schon vermutet, ist die Erklärung zur Klimapolitik ein unverbindliches Dokument zur Gesichtswahrung geworden

Gemunkelt wurde vor dem G8-Gipfel, dass Bundeskanzlerin Merkel hart bleiben würde, wenn es um die Maßnahmen zur Reduktion der Klimaerwärmung ging. Im Vorlauf waren bereits die vielen Streichungen bekannt geworden, die die US-Regierung beim Abschlussdokument durchsetzen wollten, um sich zu nichts zu verpflichten. Merkel verkündete dann am Donnerstag freudestrahlend und selbstgewiss, es sei eine „politische Erklärung“ zustande gekommen, der niemand entkommen könne: Dies ist die wichtigste Entscheidung für die nächsten zwei Jahre.“ Auf der Webseite der Bundesregierung wird von einem [extern] Durchbruch gesprochen.


Das galt natürlich vornehmlich US-Präsident, der kurz vor dem Gipfel durch eine eigene Klima-Initiative vorbei an den Vereinten Nationen und ganz im eigenen Geschmack zu punkten versuchte ([local] Gerangel um die Klimapolitik). Aber es ging Bush auch darum, die Führungsrolle der USA auch in Sachen Klimapolitik zu beanspruchen. Das [extern] wiederholte Bush am Donnerstag noch einmal, als er neben Tony Blair – nicht Angela Merkel – stand. Es sei ihm „tödlich ernst“ damit, dass etwas getan werden müsse: „Die USA werden in einem Post-Kyoto-Rahmen aktiv beteiligt, wenn nicht führend sein.“ Die US-Regierung könne, seiner Ansicht nach, eine Brücke zwischen Europa und China sowie Indien sein.


Regierungskrise in Bulgarien

Regierungskrise in Bulgarien

Der Kampf gegen die politische Korruption in Bulgarien ist mühsam: Zwei Minister sind bereits zurückgetreten, darunter der Justizminister – ausgerechnet. Denn Ministerpräsident Stanischev muss Justizreformen durchsetzen.

Es war eine Anhäufung von gegenseitigen Anschuldigungen und Korruptionsvorwürfen in den oberen Etagen von Politik und Justiz, die schlussendlich dazu geführt hat, dass die beiden Minister ihren Hut nahmen. Dennoch hat Ministerpräsident Sergej Stanischew versucht, die Lage herunterzuspielen. „Herr Owtscharow hat sich am 5. Mai zum Rücktritt bereiterklärt, wenn dies die Justizreform voranbringen könne“, so Stanischew. „Wir waren uns einig, dass der Rücktritt eine notwendige politische und moralische Geste sei. Dafür bin ich ihm dankbar.“ Auch den Rücktritt von Minister Petkanow habe er „akzeptiert“,

Auch Türken-Partei in der Kritik

Die Ermittlungen zu den Korruptionsvorwürfen laufen „auf Hochtouren“, erklärte der Ministerpräsident, bislang seien allerdings keine belastenden Tatsachen festzustellen. Ganz anders sieht das Bojko Borissow, Bürgermeister von Sofia und informeller Parteichef der größten außerparlamentarischen Oppositionskraft GERB. Borissow spricht von einem „Kartell“ innerhalb der regierenden Koalition, das gemeinsam mit dubiosen Geschäftsleuten und korrupten Vertretern der Justiz den Staat ausbluten lasse. „Man versucht, den Skandal unter den Teppich zu kehren“, ist Borissow überzeugt.