30.4.2007 by admin.

Banorët: Fshat turistik në Jalë nga njerëzit e kryeministrit

Andon Koka, banor i Jales

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30.4.2007 by admin.

Karikatura nga Arben Meksi

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30.4.2007 by admin.

Envoy: Security Council won’t rush Kosovo status solution

30/04/2007

A UN Security Council delegation completed its two-day fact-finding mission to Kosovo on Saturday and said that the 15-nation body would need more time to make a decision on the province’s future.

(AP, AFP, International Herald Tribune, Beta, B92 - 29/04/07; Reuters, DPA, RFE/RL, UN News Centre, Government of Serbia - 28/04/07; Balkan Investigative Reporting Network - 27/04/07)

Kosovo Unity Team leaders (right), met with the 15-member delegation from the UN Security Council in Pristina on Friday (April 27th). [Laura Hasani]

A UN Security Council delegation left Kosovo on Saturday (April 28th), after a two-day fact-finding mission. The delegation’s head, Belgian Ambassador Johan Verbeke, said the process to decide the province’s future status cannot be rushed.

“Deciding on important issues should never be hostage to deadlines,” he told reporters at a news conference in Pristina on Saturday.

The 15 UN ambassadors arrived in Kosovo after talks Thursday with officials in Belgrade.

The trip to the region was suggested by Russia, one of the Security Council’s five permanent members. Moscow backs Serbia in its opposition to the Kosovo status proposal put forward by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari, which calls for “supervised independence”.

Belgrade opposes independence and insists on retaining some sovereignty over the province. On Saturday, the Serbian government issued a statement advocating “supervised autonomy” as a compromise solution.

The Kosovo Albanians — 90% of the province’s population of 2 million — have accepted Ahtisaari’s plan. Representatives of the community, who met with the UN ambassadors, voiced hope that they would support his proposals.

Kosovo President Fatmir Sejdiu told reporters that the province’s independence would guarantee the stability of the entire region.

“We elaborated why Kosovo has to be independent and why there cannot be other solutions,” reports Friday quoted Sejdiu as saying. “After this visit, it is the time for Kosovo’s status to be decided,” he added.

The UN ambassadors’ tour of the province included visits to the divided city of Mitrovica, the Serb village of Svinjare and the Serb quarter in the town of Orahovac. They also visited Mala Krusa, where 116 Albanian men were killed by Serbian troops in 1999.

Arsim Shehu, a Kosovo Albanian who lost 40 members of his extended family said, “We hope they will verify what the Serbs did here… We can’t live with them any more.”

An International Herald Tribune report on Sunday quoted Prime Minister Agim Ceku as saying he expected Kosovo to be able to declare its independence “by the end of May”.

“Our friends who are realistic and countries that have invested soldiers, money and eight years of engagement here, and who are planning to be present, want an end to this unresolved status,” Ceku said.

US Assistant Secretary of State Daniel Fried appeared to share Ceku’s expectations. Speaking at a conference in Brussels on Saturday, the US official said that the drafting of a new resolution on Kosovo would begin shortly after the Security Council delegation’s return from its Balkan trip. He also voiced hope that Russia would approach the issue constructively.

“We hope that Russia understands that Kosovo is going to be independent one way or another,” Fried said. “It will either be done in a controlled, supervised way that provides for the well-being of the Serbian people, or it will take place in an uncontrolled way and the Kosovo Serbs will suffer the most, which would be terrible.”

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30.4.2007 by admin.

30. April 2007

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KRIEGSTREIBER-STREIT

CIA-Offiziere werfen Tenet Kriecherei und Selbstinszenierung vor

Verbittert rechnet der frühere CIA-Boss Tenet in seinen Memoiren mit dem Weißen Haus ab - reine Show, sagen Ex-Offiziere des Geheimdienstes. Er inszeniere sich als Opfer der Regierung Bush, obwohl er bei den Lügen vor dem Irak-Krieg Mittäter gewesen sei.

Washington - Sechs Ex-Offiziere des US-Auslandsgeheimdiensts CIA haben ihrem einstigen Boss George Tenet schon am Samstag einen Brief geschrieben, in dem sie die Vorwürfe gegen ihn erheben. In dem Schreiben nennen sie Ex-CIA-Chef Tenet “den Alberto Gonzales der Geheimdienst-Community” - anspielend auf den unter Druck geratenen US-Justizminister. Und weiter: Er sei “eine groteske Mischung aus Inkompetenz und Kriecherei, verdeckt von einer liebenswürdigen Persönlichkeit”.

REUTERS

Tenet, Powell im Februar 2003 im Uno-Sicherheitsrat: “Die Glaubwürdigkeit aufs Spiel gesetzt”

Der US-Nachrichtensender CNN berichtet über den Brief. Er wurde pünktlich zu Tenets Memoiren “At the Center of the Storm” bekannt, die heute erscheinen sollen und einer Abrechnung mit dem Weißen Haus gleichkommen.Die sechs Briefeschreiber Phil Giraldi, Ray McGovern, Larry Johnson, Jim Marcinkowski, Vince Cannistraro und David MacMichael sehen die Memoiren dagegen als “Eingeständnis gescheiterter Führungskraft”. Sie fordern Tenet auf, mehr als die Hälfte seiner Tantiemen zu spenden - an im Irak-Krieg verwundete Soldaten und die Angehörigen von Gefallenen. Im Detail werfen sie ihm in ihrem Brief vor, bei der Konstruktion vorgeschobener Kriegsgründe bewusst mitgewirkt zu haben. “Sie waren kein Opfer. Sie waren ein williger Beteiligter in einer mangelhaft abgewogenen Politik, um einen unnötigen Krieg zu beginnen - und wie Dick Cheney und George Bush tragen Sie Mitschuld an dem Debakel im Irak”, schreiben die sechs.

Am Wochenende hatte Tenet der US-Regierung verabscheuungswürdiges Verhalten bei der Begründung des Irak-Krieges vorgeworfen. Tatsächlich hatte das Weiße Haus vor dem Krieg Tenet immer wieder mit den Worten zitiert, die Existenz von Massenvernichtungswaffen im Irak sei eine “todsichere Sache”. Tenet bestritt am Wochenende in einem Interview mit dem Sender CBS nicht, diesen Begriff benutzt zu haben. Er sei aber lediglich bei Überlegungen gefallen, wie die Öffentlichkeit am besten von der Existenz überzeugt werden kann. Das Weiße Haus habe die Äußerung aus dem Zusammenhang gerissen und verzerrt wiedergegeben, um den Krieg zu rechtfertigen. Dies habe sein Ansehen und seine Karriere zerstört. Tenet war im Juni 2004 zurückgetreten - nach heftiger Kritik an der Arbeit der CIA vor dem Irak-Krieg und dem 11. September 2001.

Tenet soll der Mut gefehlt haben

Die sechs früheren CIA-Offiziere beschuldigen Tenet außerdem, vor dem Krieg “missverständliche Signale” an die Bürger und die Abgeordneten im Kongress gegeben zu haben. Agenten hätten im September 2002 Informationen übermittelt, denen zufolge es eindeutig keinerlei Lager mit Massenvernichtungswaffen irgendeiner Art im Irak gibt. “Diese Informationen wurden ignoriert und später missbräuchlich verwendet.”

Es habe auch keine Beweise für eine Verbindung zwischen Saddam Husseins Regime und dem Terrornetz al-Qaida gegeben. Trotzdem habe Tenet diese Ansicht noch im Februar 2003 im Kongress vertreten. Tenet habe es an Mut gefehlt, sich offen gegen die Regierung Bush zu stellen.

“Sie haben Colin Powells Präsentation in der Uno abgesegnet. In diesem Moment saßen Sie hinter ihm und haben damit für alle sichtbar das wertvollste Kapital der CIA aufs Spiel gesetzt - ihre Glaubwürdigkeit”, schreiben die sechs Kritiker laut CNN. Auf diese Weise habe Tenet all jene CIA-Agenten verraten, die Informationen über den Irak sammelten - und alle anderen, die standhaft waren gegenüber dem Druck der Kriegsbefürworter um den damaligen Verteidigungsminister Donald Rumsfeld und Vize-Präsident Dick Cheney.

phw

http://www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/0,1518,480239,00.html

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29.4.2007 by Lupo.

October 20, 2003

Bosnia’s Izetbegovic Dead, But US Diplomat, Ashdown in B-H Push Islamist Line to Support Holbrooke

Analysis. By Gregory R. Copley, Editor, GIS, with input from GIS Station Sarajevo. The Islamist political leader who usurped control of Bosnia-Herzegovina during the civil war in that country from 1992 to 1995, Alija Izetbegovic, 78, reportedly died in hospital on October 20, 2003, after becoming ill following a fall at his home in September 2003. Sources in his own political party, the SDA, had leaked news that Izetbegovic had died in hospital on about September 19, 2003, in order to minimize controversy about him during the unveiling of the so-called Srebrenica monument on September 20, 2003. The official version of events on October 19, 2003, was that his condition became critical on October 17, 2003, when doctors could not stop bleeding in his left lung.

See Defense & Foreign Affairs Daily:

September 22, 2003: Izetbegovic Now Believed Dead.
September 24, 2003: In Bosnia-Herzegovina: Who Leads the Radical Islamists After Izetbegovic?

With his death, Izetbegovic — like former Croatian Pres. Franjo Tudjman — escaped prosecution for war crimes, including genocide, during the war. The former Islamist leader, who had worked closely with al-Qaida terrorist leader Osama bin Laden and al-Qaida deputy leader Ayman al-Zawahiri, among others, was close to former US Pres. William Clinton, who visited Izetbegovic in hospital on September 19, 2003. Izetbegovic’s SDA paid Clinton $250,000 at the time, ostensibly for speaking at the unveiling of the Srebrenica monument.

Izetbegovic was also protected by the High Representative for B-H, former British Liberal Party politician Paddy Ashdown, and the Deputy High Representative, US Amb. Donald Hays, who were appointed to their posts as European Union (EU) and US nominees respectively. Amb. Hays, a close confidante and former colleague in the UN to then-US Permanent Representative to the UN Richard Holbrooke — a close Clinton colleague — has consistently supported the Clinton-Holbrooke line in B-H, protecting the SDA, despite its increasingly clear links to terrorist figures associated with the September 11, 2001, attacks on the US.

http://128.121.186.47/ISSA/reports/Balkan/Oct20%2003.htm

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29.4.2007 by admin.

Kollektiv schuldig – das Nachkriegsschicksal der Jugoslawiendeutschen
In einem kroatischen Arbeitslager starben nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges tausend Menschen – da sie deutsche Vorfahren hatten. Ihr Leidensweg war fast ein halbes Jahrhundert ein Tabuthema, bis heute wissen die meisten Kroaten nichts über das traurige Nachkriegsschicksal der Donauschwaben in Slawonien.
Von Veronika Wengert
EM 08-05 · 30.08.2005
Marode Metallkreuze und Grabmale aus Stein wechseln sich auf dem Lagerfriedhof Valpovo ab. Doch die meisten Todesopfer wurden hier anonym begraben.
(Fotos: Veronika Wengert)

alpovo – eine unscheinbare Provinzstadt in der ostslawonischen Tiefebene, in der alte Habsburger Baumeister ihre architektonische Handschrift hinterlassen haben. Ein Feldweg mit tiefen Senken führt von der Hauptstraße zu einer Wiese, die niemand mehr mäht. Sanfte Erdwälle durchbrechen das satte Grün, am Horizont recken sich Maisstauden in den wolkenlosen Himmel. Nikolaus Mack klettert aus dem Wagen, geht einige Schritte nach rechts, zeigt nach links. Für einen kurzen Augenblick verwandelt sich Vergangenes in Gegenwärtiges, einzig durch seine Worte und Gesten. Kein Schild, kein Hinweis am Wegrand klärt über die vergessene Wiese auf. Hier reihten sich einst 14 Baracken nebeneinander, umzäunt von kaltem Stacheldraht, der von hohen Wachtürmen durchbrochen war. Sieben Baracken teilten sich Frauen und Kinder, in den übrigen waren die Männer untergebracht, erinnert sich Mack. „Europa weiß von Auschwitz, aber nicht von Valpovo“, sagt der Jurist, der heute als Abgeordneter im kroatischen Parlament die Interessen der nationalen Minderheiten vertritt.
Auf Deutsch gedenken viele Grabmale auf dem Lagerfriedhof Valpovo den Toten.

Valpovo – hier befand sich das größte Arbeitslager der deutschen Minderheit in Kroatien. Als es angelegt wurde, waren in Europa die Waffen schon verstummt. Ab Mai 1945 wurden hier nach und nach mehr als 3.000 Insassen auf engstem Raum zusammengepfercht, später zu schwerer Feldarbeit gezwungen. Gut jeder Dritte überlebte die Strapazen nicht. Hunger, Kälte, Typhus und körperliche Erschöpfung rafften binnen eines Jahres mindestens tausend Menschenleben dahin. Zweistöckige Holzpritschen, durch deren Ritzen Wanzen schlüpften, Läuse auf dem Kopf und Flöhe in der Kleidung, an guten Tagen 150 Gramm Brot und eine wässrige Suppe aus Erbsenschalen – Lageralltag in Valpovo. Hingerichtet wurde kaum jemand, vielmehr würde „der Kessel“ sein übriges tun, so der feste Glaube der Lagerkommissare. „Der Kessel“ stand als Synonym für unerbittlichen Hunger, der die Insassen allmählich aufzehrte.

Nur wenige Schritte vom einstigen Lagergelände entfernt erhebt sich eine ockerfarbene Kapelle aus dem Schatten eines mächtigen Baumes. Die Zacken eines schwarzen Metallzaunes halten neugierige Besucher fern. Der Sakralbau versprüht den maroden Charme längst vergangener Tage. Ein Ort, der wie geschaffen scheint für Macks Visionen: Eine Gedenkstätte mit Informationen und Stellwänden, schwebt dem Politiker hier vor. Eine Art Wallfahrtsstätte, damit die Nachwelt Valpovo nicht vergesse.
„Mir sen Schwobelojt“ – die deutschen Kolonisten in Slawonien
Hans Fuderer gelang die Flucht aus dem Arbeitslager. Heute betreibt er in Valpovo eine der größten Gärtnereien Slawoniens.

Als die Kindheit für Nikolaus Mack aufhörte, war er gerade mal acht Jahre alt. Der Frühling war ins Land gezogen und Deutschland hatte nur wenige Tage zuvor kapituliert. Die Soldaten der jugoslawischen Volksarmee hatten begonnen, die Häuser der deutschen Minderheit systematisch zu durchkämmen. Gut 200.000 Jugoslawiendeutsche lebten unmittelbar nach Kriegsende noch im Land, während beim Zensus 1931 fast eine halbe Million gezählt wurde. Die meisten dieser sogenannten Volksdeutschen waren bereits Ende 1944 ins Deutsche Reich geflohen, als sich Hitlers Truppen vom Balkan zurückzogen. Die anderen waren geblieben, da sie sich nicht für die Greueltaten der Nationalsozialisten verantwortlich fühlten. Als Titos Soldaten Familie Mack abholten, blieb ihnen gerade mal eine Viertelstunde Zeit, um das Nötigste einzupacken. So fand sich Nikolaus Mack in einem viel zu warmen Winteranzug wieder, als er im Arbeitslager Valpovo ankam. Die dicke Kleidung habe ihn vermutlich gerettet, sagt er heute. Daß er sie ein Jahr lang nicht wechseln würde, konnte er zu jenem Zeitpunkt noch nicht ahnen.

„Mir sen Schwobelojt“, sagt Mack. Damit spielt er auf seine Urväter an, die einst aus Württemberg, Baden oder Lothringen in die östlichen Regionen des Habsburger Reiches gesiedelt sind. Nach dem Rückzug der osmanischen Heere sollten sie den Boden in der Batschka, Baranja oder Slawonien urbar machen und das Land modernisieren. Sie waren Winzer, galten als fleißige Handwerker, bestellten die Felder und lebten in deutschen Siedlungen wie Hirschfeld oder Josephsdorf in Slawonien. Ihre Häuser hatten immer eine „Schpajsa“ (Speisekammer) und einen „Hajboden“ (Heuspeicher), mit den kroatischen Nachbarn verband sie ihr überwiegend katholischer Glaube.
Nur wenige Meter vom einstigen Lagergelände entfernt befindet sich die Kapelle des Hl. Rok. Hier möchte Nikolaus Mack eine Gedenkstätte einrichten.

Der Zweite Weltkrieg setzte dem friedlichen Miteinander ein Ende: Die Deutschen in Jugoslawien wurden kollektiv schuldig gesprochen und der Kollaboration mit den Deutschen bezichtigt. Über Nacht wurden sie zu Staatsfeinden, die keine Rechte mehr hatten. Der Beschluß des Antifaschistischen Rates der Volksbefreiung (AVNOJ) vom November 1944 hatte fatale Folgen: Der Besitz der Deutschen wurde konfisziert und ging in Staatseigentum über. Durch die Kollektiventeignung vereinfachte sich das junge Jugoslawien die Durchführung einer Agrarreform. Wer nicht nachweisen konnte, daß er sich dem Nationalsozialismus widersetzt hatte und in der Partisanenbewegung aktiv war, wurde sofort in ein Lager überführt. Manchmal genügte es schon, einen deutschen Nachnamen zu haben.
Betrunkene Kutscher verloren die Toten auf dem Weg zum Friedhof

Sie heißen Burger, Hettich oder Valter: Die Lageropfer, die in der hinteren Ecke des Friedhofs von Valpovo bestattet wurden. Auf Deutsch erinnern mit abgeblätterten Namenstafeln schlichte Metallkreuze an die Toten. Sie wechseln sich ab mit Grabmälern aus Stein, die Nachkommen der Lagertoten erst viel später aufstellen ließen. Die meisten Todesopfer bleiben jedoch anonym. Ihre Leichname wurden in Massengräber geworfen, meist nachts, damit die örtliche Bevölkerung nicht allzuviel über das Sterben im Arbeitslager erfuhr. Nur manchmal, erzählen sich Augenzeugen, wenn ein betrunkener Kutscher einen Toten unterwegs verloren hatte, wurden die Einwohner am nächsten Morgen mit dem Massensterben vor der eigenen Haustür konfrontiert.
Eine vergessene Wiese –heute erinnert nichts mehr an das Arbeitslager Valpovo.

……

http://www.eurasischesmagazin.de/artikel/?artikelID=20050817

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29.4.2007 by admin.

Illegale Waffenlieferungen der Deutschen auf Anordnung von Hans Dietrich Genscher und Klaus Kinkel in den Balkan.

October 31, 1992

Illegal German Weapons to Croatia and Bosnia Fuel the Balkan Conflict

War in the former Yugoslav republics is being fuelled by a massive and complex pattern of weapons shipments to Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, funded and organized by Germany. Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy has uncovered a widespread pattern of arms shipments which have been allowed to cross into Croatia and Bosnia with the tacit approval (and sometimes, apparently, direct support) of the governments of Germany and Austria, and possibly other states. As well, Germany has pointedly ignored the movement of German nationals into Croatia and Bosnia to fight against the Serbian residents of those two former Yugoslav states. All of the activity is in direct violation of German and Austrian law as well as being in violation of international embargoes against the supply of weapons to the conflict zone.

All of the actions support Germany’s traditional ally, Croatia, against the Serbian populations still resident in what is now Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, and against the rump of the Yugoslav Federation. The wide collection of information came to Defense & Foreign Affairs from diverse sources, including Defense & Foreign Affairs correspondents. Some, from other sources, came in written form in a variety of languages, without elaboration, often with only partial identification of some of the transactions, companies and weapons involved.
GERMAN WEAPONS

October 4, 1991: A convoy of three truckloads of anti-tank weapons and 40,000 military uniforms arrived in the Croatian capital, Zagreb, from Bielefeld, Germany. Elements of the Croatian paramilitary forces have subsequently been found in German-made uniforms, and supplied with very nutritious food from German military stocks.

Late October 1991: Four mobile workshops, six 155mm howitzers, and a number of 120mm mortars, along with70 US-made General Dynamics Stinger advanced, manportable surface-to-air missiles (SAMs), reached the port of Zadar, from German sources.

November 9, 1991: Two truckloads of GD Stinger SAMs and a quantity of blank jackets arrived in Karlovac, Croatia.

November 10, 1991: A truck with a variety of arms arrived in Zadar from Germany via Italy.

December 19, 1991: Pier 17 at the port of Rijeka was the site of unloading to 60 tanks (type unspecified, but believed to have been East German “T”-series tanks) from Germany.

January 8-9, 1992: Three MiG fighter aircraft, model unspecified, were received by the Croatian Armed Forces from Germany. The aircraft, from former East German stocks, included one new aircraft and two which had “previously been flown”.

Mid-January 1992: Spare parts for Panavia Tornado aircraft were reportedly transported to Croatia from Germany in trucks. They were alleged to have been subsequently assembled and the aircraft (number unspecified, but believed to be more than one) are based now at Pleso airfield, Croatia.

Mid-January 1992: Weapons and military equipment worth about DM 5,000,000 were shipped to the port of Rijeka. They were in a container weighting 17.5 tons. The contents included night-vision sniper sights, night-vision field glasses, IC field glasses, optical sights for day shooting, radios for vehicle mounting, mobile radio sets, and a large amount of ammunition of various calibres. Three tons of these weapons were immediately sent to the 113th Brigade of the Croatian Army stationed at Sibenik.

January 14, 1992: Two truckloads of weapons (anti-tank rockets, mortars, Stinger SAMs) were delivered to Croatia. The weapons were reportedly purchased, source say, in Germany and Switzerland by the firm BHM from Basel.

January 15, 1992: Five truckloads of arms and ammunition were unloaded at the port of Rijeka. They were transported to, and store in, the village of Kukuljanovo, 12 km from Rijeka.

March 12, 1992: A truck transporting small arms arrived at Rijeka and continued on via Sibenik to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Early March 1992: Croatian Ministry of Defence bought 90 military trucks from the surplus stock of the French Army contingent in Germany through a German firm identified as Weba or Vebeg. The delivery was carried out in three shipments by the end of March via Austria and Slovenia. The source said that the transaction took place with the knowledge of French and German authorities.

April 10-13, 1992: A further 60 tanks from Germany (again, believed to be former East German “T”-series MBTs) were unloaded in the port of Koper and stored in the warehouses of Kukuljanovo near Rijeka.

April 21-22, 1992: The Croatian Government signed a contract with a German supplier for the delivery of various weapons and ordinance totalling US$ 3-million in value. This deal was signed through the Zagreb-based firm, Jugoart, according to sources, which has offices in Vienna. Jugoart reportedly arranges for deliveries of military equipment to the High Command of the Croatian Army from various suppliers in Germany.

May 1992: During the course of the month, Croatia was supplied with 1,010 Stinger SAMs, 2,000 Armbrust anti-tank rockets, 47,100 AK-47 Kalashnikov automatic assault rifles with 500 rounds per weapons, 2,550 RPG-7 manportable antitank rocket launchers, and 60 MiG combat aircraft engines. These weapons and supplies were delivered to Croatia through Italy and via the border posts at Kozina and Sezana.

July 20, 1992: A shipment of 100 automatic rifles, two sniper rifles, 10 radios and 260,000 rounds of 7.62 mm rifle ammunition was delivered from Stuttgart, Germany, to Prozor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, for the use of the Croatian Defence Council (HVO).

July-August 1992: Sources claim that Fadil Lipovaca, a former manager of the Moscow office of the firm Union invest, Sarajevo, and now owner of the private firm Carinthia (headquartered in Ljubljana), paid some US$ 150,000 for the purchase of arms for Muslim paramilitary forces. Part of this sum was allegedly provided by the Government of Turkmenistan through Industry and Energy Minister Kerimov. As well, a man named as Edo Bolic, manager of the Moscow office of the Sarajevo firm Vranica, reportedly paid US$170,000 to buy weapons for the Muslim forces in Bosnia and Herzegovian. Payments were made to the account of the LHB-Internationale Hondelsbank AG, HTH-Unioninvest Import-Export GmbH, Frankfurt-Main, No. 748.301, BLZ 500 308 00.

Sources indicated that most of the purchases and deliveries of weapons and military equipment for Croatian irregulars were effected with the assistance of the German firms, FABA, FOGA and Franconia-Jagd. The Deutsche Bank and Dresdner Bank AG in Darmstradt were, in most cases, used for the deposit and transactions involving large sums of money intended for arms purchases.
AUSTRIAN WEAPONS

October 7, 1991: An Adria Airways DC-9 transport aircraft landed at Sarajevo from Klagenfurt. It carried “large amounts” of Heckler & Koch (German-made) automatic rifles and handguns for the Bosnian Ministry of the Interior.

Early October 1991: Croatia’s Ministry of Defense paid US$ 61-million into an account at the Austrian bank Die Erst Osterreichische Spar Kasse-Bank for the purchase of T-72 main battle tanks, and in late October, the Croatian ministry requested the Austrian firm identified as AWDM to provide Croatia with spare parts for these tanks.

Late October 1991: The Croatian Ministry of Defense bought, through a firm identified as Xandill International Ltd. Consulting, headquartered in Vienna, 3,500 automatic rifles and 30,000 handgrenades worth US$ 1,750,000.

July 27-28, 1992: Ten MiG-21 fighter aircraft and two Saab aircraft were relocated from Austria to Croatia.

The ammunition factory at Baden, Austria, has since the beginning of September 1992 reportedly delivered, on a daily basis, ammunition to the Croatian Armed Forces and to the Territorial Defence Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Slovenia.
HUNGARIAN WEAPONS

Weapons and military equipment from Hungary were exported to Croatia on several occasions in 1991 in a variety of aircraft — including agricultural aircraft — belonging to Croatia and Hungary. Between September 25 and 27, 1991, and October 6 to 8, 1991, an airlift was established between Beremend, Bilje and Osijek for the transport of small arms and ammunition aboard AN-2 aircraft and towed gliders. Hungarian authorities also provided security for these overflights by electronic jamming of Yugoslav air defence surveillance radars.

September-October 1991: A Hungarian, named by sources as Karol Gala, owner of the firm Universum SD, based in Budapest, allegedly brought into Croatia from Poland (via Hungary) two truckloads of arms and ordinance, including 200 RPG-7 anti-tank rocket launchers, 2,500 RPG-7 rockets, 2,000 AK-47 Kalashnikov assault rifles, 2,000 handgrenades, and 600,000 rounds of 7.62mm ammunition for the AK-47s. The trucks were reportedly rented by a Prague resident, identified as Mikulas Nadasi.

End September 1992: Hungary allegedly delivered to Croatia a surface-to-surface missile system, known as R-300, for which the Croatian Ministry of Defence paid US$ 1.5-million through the Croatian companies INJA, Astra and Pliva.
SWISS WEAPONS

Croatia purchased, during 1991, some 120 T-72 main battle tanks worth US$ 90-million through the Swiss firms Eram Bau Montage AG and F-S International LTS (Ltd.?) of Hong Kong. The transaction was carried out, according to sources, through the Austrian bank, Rossler Bank AG, in Vienna. The tanks, formerly in service with the Soviet Army, were supplied to Croatia during October 1991.

January 14, 1992: Two truckloads of arms — allegedly including rocket launchers, mortars and US-made GD Stinger SAMs — arrived in Croatia from Basel. The weapons were allegedly bought in Germany by the Basel firm, BHM, and their delivery itinerary was Basel-Zurich-Gotthard-Venice-Trieste-Pula. On the following day, January 15, four more vans of small arms ammunition came from Zurich via Hungary.
CZECHOSLOVAK WEAPONS

Prague was one of the major centres of illegal supplies of weapons and defence equipment to Croatia during the second half of 1991 and the first half of 1992. Sources claimed that the following firms were involved:

Omnipol, Unimex, the “Bank of Bohemia”, the Prague offices of the Swedish firms Scandinavia Invest and Abarent, the Prague office of the Swiss firm Computer Graphic Systems, two other companies from Switzerland, some Arab embassies (including the Syrian Embassy in Prague). Contracts were concluded for large quantities of defence equipment, including: 50,000 AK-47 Kalashnikov assault rifles, 20,000 M-16 assault rifles, 70-million rounds of ammunition, 1,000 RPG-7 launches and 5,000 rockets, 100 “guided rocket” launchers. Negotiations are know to be underway in Prague for the supply of heavy weapons and aircraft.

February 1992: During February, and earlier, in late 1991, the Czechoslovak firm Omnipol allegedly supplied R-300 surface-to-surface missiles to Croatia, installing the weapons in the area of Kinkovo village near Slavonski Brod, Croatia.
OTHER SOURCES

The Vatican Bank, in 1991, reportedly paid through the trust of the institute for the Dissemination of Religion, US$ 1,988,300, via the International Handel Bank in the Netherlands, for the purchase of weapons in Beirut on behalf of Croatia. [Croatia is Catholic; Serbia is Orthodox. — Ed.]

November 16, 1991: Croatia shipped through the port of Gdansk, Poland, 16,500 AK-47 assault rifles and 5-million rounds of ammunition, 175 RPG-7 antirank rocket launchers and related rounds; 150 M-82 mortars and 3,500 rounds; M-120 mortars and ammunition. Total value US$ 12.5-million. Payment was allegedly through Lajbic Bank and Banca Nationale de Milano, of Italy.

November 1991: The ships Kumrovec and Kozara, owned by the firm Danube Lloyds, of Sisak, allegedly shipped arms and ammunition from Bulgaria and Romania to Croatia.

December 2, 1991: A large shipment of weapons was sent from Paris to the firm PRO in Zagreb, Croatia. The shipment was by four trucks bearing Greek registration.

Early January 1992: The Zagreb firm, Astra, contracted for the acquisition of weapons in Turkey to be supplied to Croatia and the civil defence units of Bosnia and Herzegovian. The purchases were worth DM1,600,000 and the delivery was made by sea.

Early January 1992: A deal was made to ship 250 anti-aircraft missiles and 25 launchers (unspecified type) to Croatia from Poland, with the agreement of the Polish authorities, according to sources. The Customs certificate for this shipment was issued in late January 1992, indicating a dealer from the Philippines as the buyer. The airline “General and Aviation Services”, registered in Nigeria, was indicated as the shipper.

January 11, 1992: A vessel carrying weapons left the port of Junieh in Beirut. These arms were bought from the Lebanese Christian militia headed by Shamir Zhazhra. The weight of these weapons and equipment was estimated at between 2,000 to 4,00 tons, and included a range of supplies from small arms to howitzers. Lebanon, as one of the largest illegal suppliers of weapons to the Croatian forces, has so far exported US$ 20-million worth of defence items to Croatia.

Early January 1992: Croatia ordered from Chile 100 UK-manufactured Shorts Blowpipe manportable SAMs. These SAMs had reportedly been upgraded in Chile. The same order included 500 Mamba anti-tank rockets valued at US$ 2,056,298. The order was reportedly placed through the export company “Fabricas y maestranzas del ejercito avida Pedro Montt 1606″. The indicated buyer on the end user certificate was a Sri Lankan firm, and Croatia made the payment through Banco Central de Chile.

January 23, 1992: A ship bound for Rijeka was loaded in the port of Odessa with assault rifles, guns, sniper rifles, mortars, anti-tank rockets, SAMs and ordnance.

Mid-August 1992: A vessel from Turkey entered the port of Split carrying arms for the Croatian and Muslim forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

August 15, 1992: A Turkish Air Force aircraft flying humanitarian relief to Sarajevo also brought an unidentified amount of weapons and other military equipment for the Bosnian territorial defence units.

August 23-24, 1992: Three Boeing 747s of the Iranian Air Force landed at Zagreb and Sarajevo airports carrying weapons in unknown quantities and types. United Nations (UNPROFOR) officials were allegedly unable to inspect the cargoes.

Mid-October 1992:I Two ships carrying weapons for Bosnian and Herzegovinan Muslims started their voyages from Istanbul on October 10, 1992, and it has been established that one of these ships reached the port of Ploce, Croatia, on October 13, 1992.

The Bulgarian firm, Kintex, reportedly mediates the sale of Russian-made weapons to Boznia and Herzegovina and Croatia. Through its brokerage efforts, 25 tons of weapons and ammunition are reportedly ferried each week from Bulgaria, via Romania and Hungary. A larger shipment of weapons and related equipment from Bulgaria reached Split on October 16, 1992, however. These weapons were for the use of the Zenica-based units of the Muslim Army in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

The highest officials in the Government of the Republic of Slovenia are directly involved in the delivery of weapons to Bosnia and Herzegovina, according to sources. These include Prime Minister J. Drnovsek, Defence Minister J. Jansa, and Interior Minister I. Bavcar.

In the first part of 1992, these officials allegedly signed, through their agents, agreements with Jerko Doko, Bosnia’s Defence Minister, and Ragib Merdzanic, adviser to President Alija Izetbegovic, for the delivery of 30,000 AK-47s at DM500 each, 20,000 Italian Beretta 92 handguns at DM750 each, 6-million rounds of ammunition (for the rifles and handguns), and an unidentified amount of Motorola radio equipment, winter camouflage uniforms, four-wheel drive vehicles, and other military equipment.

Representatives of the Bosnian Government paid for the weapons with funds donated by Islamic countries. At least 13,000 of the AK-47s have been delivered of the amounts ordered.

At the beginning of October 1992, Croatia concluded a business deal with Venezuela and Brazil, offering three oil tankers for two squadrons of Embraer Tucano turboprop training aircraft. A group from the Croatian Ministry of Defense was reported in Brazil in October and November with several pilots to test the aircraft.

Defense & Foreign Affairs has additional material on foreign mercenaries, defense transactions and other related intelligence on the violation of the international embargoes on defense materiel shipments to the combatants in the current Balkan conflict. Much of this material will appear in the next edition — December 1992 — of Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy.
http://128.121.186.47/ISSA/reports/Balkan/Oct3192.htm

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29.4.2007 by admin.

Kroatischer Ex-Premier Racan ist tot

Ivica Racan, einer der einflussreichsten Politiker Kroatiens, ist in der Nacht auf Sonntag im Alter von 63 Jahren gestorben.

Ivica Racan (1944 - 2007) starb an einem Krebsleiden.

• Reaktion
  • Gusenbauer über Racan-Tod betroffenLaut dem Bundeskanzler habe Kroatien mit Racan eine wichtige demokratische Stimme verloren.

Der ehemalige kroatische Premier Ivica Racan (2000-2003) ist in der Nacht auf Sonntag gestorben. Racan war ein Rekordhalter in der kroatischen Politik: Er war seit den ersten freien Wahlen in Kroatien 17 Jahre lang Präsident der Sozialdemokratischen Partei (SDP), die momentan zweistärkste politische Kraft Kroatiens ist. Er trat als Partei- und damit Oppositionschef erst am 11. April zurück. Er war auch der einzige Parteichef des Landes, der nicht in Kroatien geboren wurde. Und seit er an Krebs erkrankt war, fühlte eine große Mehrheit in Kroatien mit ihm, obwohl er nie ein politischer Star war.

Ein Rebell

Der Ex-Kommunist wurde am 24. Februar 1944 im sächsischen Ebersbach als Sohn einer in einem Arbeitslager internierten Frau geboren. Racan selbst hatte in einem Interview erklärt, eine Deutsche habe ihn und seine Mutter aus dem Lager befreit und ihnen so wahrscheinlich das Leben gerettet. Über seine Herkunft verlor er aber sonst wenige Worte.

In der Hochschule war er ein Rebell - er hatte Wilhelm Faulkner und James Joyce gelesen sowie Rock ‘n’ Roll, besonders Elvis Presley, gehört. Später experimentierte er mit Marihuana, was er auch öffentlich zugab und damit auf heftige Kritik im konservativen Teil Kroatiens stieß. Obwohl ein Rebell, wurde der junge Racan schon mit 17 Jahren Mitglied der Kommunistischen Partei.

Vorsitzender der Kroatischen Kommunisten

1970 schloss er ein Jus-Studium in Zagreb ab, engagierte sich in der Folge aber auch als Sozialwissenschaftler. Damals erhoben kroatische Politiker öffentlich die Forderung nach einer selbstständigen kroatischen Schriftsprache, verlangten eine neue Verfassung (als “Staat des kroatischen Volkes”), eine eigene Armee und die außenpolitische Selbstständigkeit.

Nach tumultartigen Zusammenstößen zwischen kroatischen Studenten und der Polizei Ende 1971 wurde der “Kroatische Frühling” beendet. Die kroatischen Parteiführer mussten zurücktreten und 1972 trat Racan zum ersten Mal in die Hochpolitik ein. Ab 1974 war er mit einer Unterbrechung Mitglied im Zentralkomitee der Kroatischen Kommunisten, ab 1989 ihr Vorsitzender.

Rolle der Opposition lernen

Anerkennung erwarb er sich, als er Anfang 1990 zusammen mit der slowenischen Delegation und im Streit mit den Nationalisten des jugoslawischen Präsidenten Slobodan Milosevic aus dem Parteikongress in Belgrad auszog und anschließend eine friedliche Übergabe der Macht in Kroatien bewerkstelligte.

Bei den ersten freien Wahlen im Frühling 1990 wurde seine Partei besiegt - die nationalistische HDZ (Kroatische Demokratische Gemeinschaft) übernahm die Macht in Kroatien. Die reformierten Kommunisten mussten nach 45 Jahren die Rolle der Opposition lernen. Anfangs übersprang die Partei die Wahlhürde nur selten, aber nach 1995 wurde das Wahlergebnis immer besser und immer mehr Kroaten stimmten für die Partei Racans.

Ministerpräsident der neuen Regierung

1999 bildete Racan ein strategisches Wahlbündnis mit der HSLS (Sozialliberalen) und bei den Parlamentswahlen im Jänner 2000 stürzte das Machtmonopol HDZ. Racan wurde Ministerpräsident der neuen Regierung. Schon von Anfang an war allerdings klar, dass die damalige Sechser-Koalition, die bald auf ein Quintett schrumpfte, nicht einfach zu leiten sein würde. Trotz zahlreicher Streitigkeiten hielt die Koalition unter der Leitung Racans bis zum Ende der Legislaturperiode. Und dafür war Racan sehr verdienstvoll.

Die SDP und ihre Koalitionspartner erhielten bei den Wahlen im November 2003 nicht genug Mandate, und Racan musste noch einmal in Opposition gehen. Aber seine Partei lag in Umfragen zuletzt meist vorne. Wie es derzeit aussieht, ist ein Machtwechsel im Herbst nicht ausgeschlossen. Zuerst muss sich die SDP nach Racans Tod aber erst auf die Nachfolge einigen. Dies soll auf einem Parteitag am 2. Juni geschehen.

Jüngst stürzten sich immer mehr sozialdemokratische Politiker ins Rennen um den Vorsitz der SDP. Mindestens vier Kandidaten werden um die Stimmen der Delegierten buhlen, heißt es. Dies ist ein für Kroatin unübliches Gerangel - meist tritt nur ein Kandidat zu einer Wahl des Parteichefs an. Bisher haben Zoran Milanovic, Tonino Picula, Zeljka Antunovic, Zlatko Komadina und Milan Bandic Ambitionen auf die Nachfolge des langjährigen Parteivorsitzenden Ivica Racan gezeigt.

Artikel vom 29.04.2007, 13:08 | apa | big

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29.4.2007 by admin.

RÜSTUNGSEXPORT Seite 17

U-Boot-Deal auf der Kippe

Die geplante Lieferung von drei U-Booten an Pakistan wird in der kommenden Woche den Haushaltsausschuss und den Auswärtigen Ausschuss des Bundestags beschäftigten. Bei der Opposition stößt das Geschäft, das die Bundesregierung mit einer Hermesbürgschaft von über einer Milliarde Euro abdecken will, auf harsche Kritik. “Es ist unverantwortlich und verstößt gegen unsere Rüstungsexportlinien und den EU-Verhaltenskodex”, sagt der grüne Abgeordnete Alexander Bonde. Vor allem befürchten die Kritiker, dass die U-Boote nuklear bewaffnet werden könnten. Pakistan besitzt selbstentwickelte Marschflugkörper des Typs “Babur”, die auch atomare Sprengköpfe tragen können; das Land arbeitet an einer seegestützten Version. Derzeit verhandelt der Werftenverbund ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems mit Pakistan über die Lieferung der drei U-Boote des Typs U-214. Sie sind mit moderner Brennstoffzellentechnologie ausgerüstet, die längere Tauchfahrten ermöglicht und die U-Boote schwerer ortbar macht. Sie sollen als “Materialpakete” nach Pakistan geliefert und dort zusammengebaut werden. Obwohl das pakistanische Militär die deutsche Offerte bevorzugt, steht das Geschäft auf der Kippe. Der Grund: Seit Monaten bessert die französische Konkurrenz mit massiver Unterstützung des Staates ihr Angebot nach. So stellen die Franzosen als Gegenleistung zum Kauf französischer U-Boote diverse zivile Projekte in Aussicht - vom Bau mehrerer Hotels bis zur Errichtung einer Autofabrik. Bereits im Februar machte sich Staatspräsident Jacques Chirac in einem Brief an seinen Amtskollegen Pervez Musharraf dafür stark.

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29.4.2007 by admin.

Apeli i bllokon pasaportën administratorit të Al-Kadi

Flamur Vezaj
04-04-2007
Jasin Al-Kadi
Hamzeh Abu Rayyan akuzohet se ka marrë pjesë në pastrimin e parave të terrorizmit. I ndalohet të ikë nga Shqipëria

Jasin Al-Kadi
Hamzeh Abu Rayyan akuzohet se ka marrë pjesë në pastrimin e parave të terrorizmit. I ndalohet të ikë nga Shqipëria

TIRANË- Gjykata e Apelit për Krimet e Rënda në Tiranë vendosi mëngjesin e djeshëm masën shtrënguese të bllokimit të pasaportës për shtetasin jordanez, Hamzeh Abu Rayyan, ish-administrator i pronave të Jasin Al-Kadi. Dy javë më parë, Gjykata e Krimeve të Rënda i ka bllokuar pasaportën ish-administratorit të të akuzuarit për lidhje me Al-Qaeda-n, për të mos lejuar largimin e tij nga Shqipëria, masë kjo që është miratuar edhe nga Apeli. Burime nga prokuroria bëjnë me dije se ish-administratori i pronave të Jasin Kadi, Hamzeh Abu Rayyan, ka kryer transfertat e parave në drejtim të vendeve të ndryshme, në llogari të të shumëkërkuarit ndërkombëtar si bashkëpunëtor i organizatës terroriste. Pas vendimit të shkallës së parë, të marrë nga gjyqtari Xhelal Elezi, avokatja mbrojtëse e të pandehurit Rayyan ka ankimuar vendimin në shkallën e dytë të gjyqësorit, duke kërkuar lirimin nga masa shtrënguese, por kjo kërkesë nuk është marrë parasysh.

***

Treshja gjykuese e Apelit, pas dëgjimit të pretendimeve të mbrojtjes dhe kërkesës së akuzës që të pandehurit t’i mbetet në fuqi vendimi i shkallës së parë, vendosi pranimin e kërkesës së akuzës. Me lënien në fuqi të vendimit të shkallës së parë, masa shtrënguese ndaj ish-administratorit të pronave të Jasin Kadi mori formën e prerë, duke mos lejuar që Hamzeh Abu Rayyan të largohet nga Shqipëria deri në sqarimin e rolit të tij në akuzën e “pastrimit të parave, të cilat rrjedhin nga një veprimtari kriminale”. Sipas burimeve të rezervuara pranë Prokurorisë së Përgjithshme, dyshimet konkrete janë se shtetasi Hamzeh Abu Rayyan mund të ketë administruar financimet dhe pronat që rrjedhin nga organizatat terroriste nëpërmjet Jasin Kadi. Akuza e “pastrimit të parave” është ngritur në mënyrë që aktiviteti i tij të verifikohet që në fillimet e veta, që datojnë në vitin 1999. Kjo pasi Kodi Penal shqiptar, vetëm pas vitit 2003 ka parashikuar veprën penale “aktet dhe financimet terroriste”,-thuhet nga burimet e prokurorisë. Mësohet se shtetasi jordanez Rayyan është marrë në pyetje nga hetuesit e çështjes dhe ka pranuar administrimin në Tiranë të disa objekteve, të cilat aktualisht janë lëshuar me qira.

***

Burime nga prokuroria bëjnë me dije se Rayyan ka mohuar të ketë dijeni për lidhje të Jasin Kadi me organizatat terroriste, apo të jetë financuar prej tyre në blerjen e objekteve të lartpërmendura. Ai është shprehur se është thjesht një administrator i objekteve, duke vënë në dispozicion të organit të akuzës gjithçka që ai di apo disponon për objektet në fjalë. Ndërkohë, në dhjetor të vitit të kaluar, Ministria e Financave ka zbuluar dhe urdhëruar sekuestrimin e disa pronave të tjera të të dyshuarit për lidhje me terrorizmin, shtetasit arab Jasin Kadi. Të gjitha pronat rezultojnë se janë në Tiranë dhe dyshohet që janë blerë nga i kërkuari për terrorizëm gjatë kohës që ka qenë në Shqipëri, si investitor i disa subjekteve. Në listën e re të pronave që janë sekuestruar janë pesë apartamente, dy dyqane, një lokal, ish-ofiçina e NB-së në Laprakë, si dhe 22 mijë metra katrorë truall në fshatin Yzberish. Lista e pronave të reja të Jasin Kadi që janë vendosur nën sekuestro, janë identifikuar gjatë periudhës shtator 2005- 2006, ndërsa vendimi i dikasterit të Financave për sekuestrimin e tyre është marrë më 27 nëntor të vitit 2006.

I AKUZUARI

Kush është Yasin Al-Kadih

TIRANË- Al-Qadi, i cili e la Shqipërinë vite më parë, mendohet të jetë i lidhur me Abdul Latif Saleh, i cili mban shtetësinë jordaneze dhe shqiptare dhe dyshohet të ketë lidhje me Xhihadin Islamik Egjiptian, një grup terrorist i lidhur me Al-Kaedën. Shtetet e Bashkuara kanë akuzuar se Bin Laden e furnizonte Saleh me fonde për të nxitur formimin e grupeve ekstremiste në Shqipëri. Saleh ngriti një organizatë xhihadiste shqiptare të financuar nga fondacioni Al-Haramain, me qëllim de-stabilizimin e Shqipërisë duke “ndezur konfliktin midis grupeve të ndryshme fetare në vend”, sipas departamentit të thesarit të SHBA.

Përveç kësaj, Saleh dhe al-Qadi drejtonin disa partneritete të përbashkëta biznesesh, duke përfshirë një biznes importi të sheqerit, një ndërmarrje mjekësore dhe një biznes ndërtimi. “Saleh shërbente si menaxher i përgjithshëm i të gjitha bizneseve të Al-Qadi në Shqipëri dhe thuhet se mbante 10 % të investimeve të al-Qadi në Shqipëri,” -thoshte Departamenti. Shqipëria ka bllokuar llogaritë bankare, investimet dhe pasuri të tjera të individëve dhe organizatave të tjera të dyshuara se financojnë veprimtaritë terroriste. Vendi ka miratuar gjithashtu listën e terrorizmit të Këshillit të Sigurimit të OKB. Në tetor 2005, autoritetet shqiptare morën zotërimin e hapësirave të zyrave në të ashtuquajturat kullat binjake në Tiranën qendrore. Në 2004, qeveria konfirmoi se vendi përdorej për të pastruar veprimtaritë financiare për al-Kaedën. Al-Qadi zotëronte 18 % të godinave që janë vendosur përballë godinës së kryeministrisë.

http://www.shekulli.com.al/news/45/ARTICLE/7852/2007-04-04.html

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